published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

published_or_final_version / Language Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / Education / Master / Master of Science in Information Technology in Education

In the field of second language acquisition, a great deal of work has been done on first (L1) to second language (L2) transfer of linguistic patterns from various levels of language, ranging from syntactic (i.e., Clahsen & Felser, 2006; Dussias, 2003; Nicol et al., 2001) and lexical (i.e. Jiang, 2004; Kroll & Tokowicz, 2001) to sound patterns at the segmental level (i.e. Flege, 1987; Flege & McKay, 2004; see work of Flege and colleagues). However, an area that has previously received less attention is that of L2 intonation, especially that of native speakers of a non-intonation language (some exceptions: Chen, 2007; McGory, 1997; Nguyen et al., 2008). The present study seeks to fill that gap, considering the L2 English intonation patterns of native speakers of Mandarin, a tone language. This work was approached from an experimental phonetic perspective, though it draws from theoretical work on intonation of both phonological and phonetic nature (intonational phonology of Ladd, 2008; see work of Ladd and colleagues, and PENTA of Xu & Xu, 2005; see work of Xu and colleagues). A series of production experiments was undertaken with native English speakers as a control group, and Mandarin speakers of higher proficiency (university students in America). Experiments treated stress patterns at the lexical level through production of target items in narrow focus, as well as treating the changes seen in such target items at different intonational points in sentences, elicited in a broad focus production experiment. In addition, the intonational patterns of questions vs. statements and contrastive focus were investigated. Because Mandarin is a lexical tone language, its speakers may tend to produce lexical items similarly regardless of their intonational situation, implementing a sort of lexical tonal transfer strategy. Even lexical tone languages have complementary intonation patterns, however, and these may also be transferred to English (Chen, 2007; Gussenhoven, 2004; Liu, 2009; McGory, 1997; Xu & Xu, 2005). In fact, results do indicate evidence of transfer at the tonal level, where it appears that a rising tone 2 is mapped onto English stressed syllables, and a falling tone 4 is mapped onto post-stressed syllables. Results also indicate intonational transfer, with a lack of sentence-final lowering in broad focus statements, as well as pitch patterns that can lead to an overall higher register in yes/no questions and post-focal lowering in contrastive focus questions.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Aim : The purpose of this study was to examine the impact of simulated hearing loss on the acoustic contrasts between declarative questions and declarative statements and on the perception of speech intonation. A further purpose of the study was to investigate whether any such effects are universal or language specific. Method: Speakers included four native speakers of English and four native speakers of Mandarin and Taiwanese, with two female and two male adults in each group. Listeners included ten native English and ten native speakers of Mandarin and Taiwanese, with five female and five male adults in each group. All participants were aged between 19 and 55 years old. The speaker groups were asked to read a list of 28 phrases, with each phrase expressed as a declarative statement or a declarative question separately. These phrases were then filtered through six types of simulated hearing loss configurations, including three levels of temporal jittering for simulating a loss in neural synchrony, a high level of temporal jittering in combination with a high-pass or a low-pass filter that simulate falling and rising audiometric hearing loss configurations, and a vocoder processing procedure to simulate cochlear implant processing. A selection of acoustic measures was derived from the sentences and from some embedded vowels, including /i/, /a/, and /u/. The listener groups were asked to listen to the tokens in their native language and indicate if they heard a statement or a question. Results: The maximum fundamental frequency (F0) of the last syllable (MaxF0-last) and the maximum F0 of the remaining sentence segment (MaxF0-rest) were found to be consistently higher in declarative questions than in declarative statements. The percent jitter measure was found to worsen with simulated hearing loss as the level of temporal jittering increased. The vocoder-processed signals showed the highest percent jitter measure and the spread of spectral energy around the dominant pitch. Results from the perceptual data showed that participants in all three groups performed significantly worse with vocoder-processed tokens compared to the original tokens. Tokens with temporal jitter alone did not result in significantly worse perceptual results. Perceptual results from the Taiwanese group were significantly worse than the English group under the two filtered conditions. Mandarin listeners performed significantly worse with the neutral tone on the last syllable, and Taiwanese listeners performed significantly worse with the rising tone on the last syllable. Perception of male intonation was worse than female intonation with temporal jitter and high-pass filtering, and perception of female intonation was worse than male intonation with most temporal jittering conditions, including the temporal jitter and low-pass filtering condition. Conclusion: A rise in pitch for the whole sentence, as well as that in the final syllable, was identified as the main acoustic marker of declarative questions in all of the three languages tested. Perception of intonation was significantly reduced by vocoder processing, but not by temporal jitter alone. Under certain simulated hearing loss conditions, perception of intonation was found to be significantly affected by language, lexical tone, and speaker gender.

本研究探討漢語母子對話中，兒童使用情態動詞(modal verb)「會」的類別、人稱主詞及語用功能。受試者分成第一組(平均兩歲十一個月)與第二組(平均四歲十個月)。研究結果發現認知(epistemic)情態動詞的「會」比動力(dynamic)情態動詞的「會」晚習得，而義務(deontic)情態動詞的「會」則很少出現。其指出不同的習得順序與認知發展有關，即認知上易理解的概念比認知上較不易理解的早習得。在情態動詞「會」的人稱主詞上，兒童在動力和義務情態動詞「會」主要是使用第一人稱當主詞，然而兒童傾向使用第三人稱當認知情態動詞「會」的主詞。而兒童很少使用第二人稱當情態動詞「會」的主詞。情態動詞「會」語句的語用功能方面，動力情態動詞「會」語句包含請求、拒絕、描述、誇耀；義務情態動詞「會」語句只發現承諾的功能；而認知情態動詞「會」語句有爭辯、疑惑、推論的功能。研究結果顯示兒童能掌握情態動詞「會」語句不同的語用功能。 / This study examined Mandarin-speaking children’s different types, person subjects, and pragmatic functions of the modal hui utterances in mother-child conversations. Children were divided into Group I (mean age= 2;11) and Group II (mean age= 4;10). The results showed that the epistemic modal hui was acquired relatively late, compared with the dynamic modal hui. The deontic modal hui was a marginal use. It suggests that the different acquisition order seems to involve cognitive development, which means that the cognitively accessible concept may be acquired earlier than the less cognitively accessible one. As for the person subjects of the modal hui, children mainly used the dynamic and deontic modal hui with the first person subject; however, they tended to use the epistemic modal hui with the third person subject. Children rarely used the modal hui with the second person subject. With regard to the pragmatic functions of the modal hui utterances, it was found that the functions of the dynamic hui utterances included request, refusal, reporting, and boasting. In the deontic hui utterances, only the function of promise was found. The epistemic hui utterances served the functions of argument, puzzlement, and reasoning. The results suggest that children are sensitive to the pragmatic functional aspects of the modal hui utterances.

Between 1945 and 1987, as part of its efforts to impose a Chinese identity on native-born Taiwanese and to establish and maintain hegemony, Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang (KMT) government pursued a unilingual, Mandarin-only policy in education. This thesis studies the changing meaning of “becoming Taiwanese” by examining the school experiences of four generations of Taiyu speakers who went to school during the Mandarin-only era: 1) those who also went to school under the Japanese; 2) those who went to school before 1949 when Taiwan was part of KMT-controlled China; 3) those who went to school during the 1950s at the height of the implementation of KMT rule; and, 4) those who went to school when Mandarin had become the dominant language. Two data types, interviews and public documents, are analyzed using two research methods, focus group interviews as the primary one, and document analysis as the secondary one. This research found that there is no direct relationship between how people negotiated language, hegemony and Taiwanese identity. First, as KMT hegemony became more secure, people’s links to their home language became weaker, so their view of Taiwanese identity as defined by Taiyu changed. Second, as exposure to hegemonic forces deepened over time, people were less able to find cultural spaces that allowed escape from hegemonic influences, and this, along with other life-course factors such as occupation, had an impact on their contestations of language and identity. The study recognizes the role of human agency and highlights the interactive and performative aspects of identity construction. The results reflect the different possibilities of living with hegemony in different eras, and also show that Taiwanese identity is not fixed, nor is there a single, “authentic” Taiwanese identity.

The present study adopts an acoustic approach to analyze Mandarin Chinese speakers’ production of English and Mandarin alveolar and velar nasal codas /n, ŋ/ in different preceding vowel contexts. Its purposes are to explore the interrelationship between nasal codas and the preceding vowels in both L1 (First Language) and L2 (Second language) production and to identify and explain similarities and differences between the L1 and L2 production. Specifically, 20 native Mandarin Chinese speakers performed a word-list reading task involving 22 English and Mandarin test words with three types of rimes, VN (Vn or Vŋ, i.e., a monophthong vowel followed by /n/ or /ŋ/), VGn (a diphthong vowel followed by /n/), and VG (a diphthong vowel). In total, 88 tokens (22 words x 4 repetitions) were collected for each speaker, and all tokens were measured by using the phonetic software, Praat. First, mean F1-F0 and F3-F2 (differences between the first and fundamental formant frequencies and between the third and second formant frequencies) over the first and the second half of vowel duration were measured to estimate vowel height/backness changes over the duration. Also, N1/N2/N3 (the first, second, and third nasal formants) at the midpoint of nasal murmur duration and the band energy difference (∆dB) between 0-525 Hz and 525-1265Hz bands over the nasal murmur duration were calculated to predict the alveolar or velar nasal place. Last, the vowel and nasal murmur duration (V_D & N_D) in each token were used to indicate the degree of vowel-nasal coupling. Two-tailed paired-wise t-tests and repeated measures one-way ANOVA tests were used to examine the statistical significance of the above acoustic measurements across test words. The main results show that there is a strong vowel-nasal coarticulation effect in Mandarin VN and English VGn production but not in English VN production; specifically, nasal place in Mandarin VN and English VGn rimes covaries with vowel quality change over the duration. In contrast, there is a significant durational difference among English VN rimes but not among Mandarin VN and English VGn rimes; specifically, Vŋ rimes are longer than Vn rimes in English. The strong vowel-nasal coarticulation effect in the Mandarin VN and English VGn production and the significant durational difference in the English VN production can be both related to rhythmic factors.

This thesis examines the factors that affect categorical perception of Mandarin tones by English, Thai and Mandarin speakers. A pre-study and a main study were conducted. The pre-study was carried out to investigate the correspondence between Mandarin and Thai tones. The main study compared the categorization of two Mandarin tone contrasts, one between the high level tone (T1) and falling tone (T4), and the other between the rising tone (T2) and falling-rising tone (T3). The results suggest that linguistic experience, natural auditory sensitivity and perceptual training all affect Mandarin tone categorization. among which, the effect of linguistic experience is most noticeable. This study also demonstrates that Best et al.'s (1988, 1994, 1995) Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM) is useful in characterizing not only segmental assimilation patterns, as illustrated in many previous studies, but also suprasegmental categorization patterns.