本論文試圖經由檢視過去對於漢語情態動詞的研究，找出最適合稱為「情態動詞」的十二個情態動詞，並以此為基礎建立適合漢語情態動詞的語意分類方式：主要分三大類—動力情態、義務情態、認知情態。同時也從共時與歷時的角度檢視漢語裡的五個多義情態動詞，包括會、能、要、可以、應該。研究發現這五個多義情態動詞所顯現的多義都是極度相關的。首先，五個多義情態動詞都有以上三大類的情態意義，其中又以動力情態為中心意義。此外，本研究確立多義情態動詞的發展方向與階段，由動力情態延伸出來的義務情態是透過主觀化的認知機制(Traugott 1980)，之後，由義務情態發展出來的認知情態則是由於主觀化與隱喻(Sweetser 1990)的運作。最後，本文也探討了情態與句法的互動關係。 / The purpose of this study is to reveal the relationship among polysemous modal verbs in Mandarin Chinese (hui4, neng2, yao4, ke3yi3, ying1gai1). It is found that the multiple modal senses encoded in the five polysemous modal verbs are closely-related. Through a careful examination on both synchronic and diachronic data of the five polysemous modal verbs, it is suggested that each of them exhibit three major modality types, including dynamic (ability, volition), deontic (directive, commissive), and epistemic (judgmental) modalities. At Stage I of the path of development, dynamic modality, as the core meaning of polysemous modal verbs, is extended to deontic modality through the cognitively-driven mechanism—subjectification, which is proposed by Traugott (1989). Then, epistemic modality is developed from deontic modality at Stage II through both subjectification and metaphorization (Sweetser 1990). After determining the direction and stages of the development path of the five polysemous modal verbs, a feature-based classification for modality types of Chinese modal verbs is provided in order to incorporate the differences and similarities among the three modality types (dynamic, deontic, and epistemic modalities). Finally, the interaction between modalities and other syntactic elements (predicates and arguments) is discussed with examples.

本研究探討漢語母子對話中，兒童使用情態動詞(modal verb)「會」的類別、人稱主詞及語用功能。受試者分成第一組(平均兩歲十一個月)與第二組(平均四歲十個月)。研究結果發現認知(epistemic)情態動詞的「會」比動力(dynamic)情態動詞的「會」晚習得，而義務(deontic)情態動詞的「會」則很少出現。其指出不同的習得順序與認知發展有關，即認知上易理解的概念比認知上較不易理解的早習得。在情態動詞「會」的人稱主詞上，兒童在動力和義務情態動詞「會」主要是使用第一人稱當主詞，然而兒童傾向使用第三人稱當認知情態動詞「會」的主詞。而兒童很少使用第二人稱當情態動詞「會」的主詞。情態動詞「會」語句的語用功能方面，動力情態動詞「會」語句包含請求、拒絕、描述、誇耀；義務情態動詞「會」語句只發現承諾的功能；而認知情態動詞「會」語句有爭辯、疑惑、推論的功能。研究結果顯示兒童能掌握情態動詞「會」語句不同的語用功能。 / This study examined Mandarin-speaking children’s different types, person subjects, and pragmatic functions of the modal hui utterances in mother-child conversations. Children were divided into Group I (mean age= 2;11) and Group II (mean age= 4;10). The results showed that the epistemic modal hui was acquired relatively late, compared with the dynamic modal hui. The deontic modal hui was a marginal use. It suggests that the different acquisition order seems to involve cognitive development, which means that the cognitively accessible concept may be acquired earlier than the less cognitively accessible one. As for the person subjects of the modal hui, children mainly used the dynamic and deontic modal hui with the first person subject; however, they tended to use the epistemic modal hui with the third person subject. Children rarely used the modal hui with the second person subject. With regard to the pragmatic functions of the modal hui utterances, it was found that the functions of the dynamic hui utterances included request, refusal, reporting, and boasting. In the deontic hui utterances, only the function of promise was found. The epistemic hui utterances served the functions of argument, puzzlement, and reasoning. The results suggest that children are sensitive to the pragmatic functional aspects of the modal hui utterances.

情態動詞「會」在前人的研究當中，具有許多不同的功能，例如表能力、表預知、表一般特性等不同的功能。本論文採用Monosemy View，認為「會」在語言表面上所呈現出之不同用法，並不是武斷毫無關係的，而是存在著非常密切的語意關連性。再者，透過此觀點，我們希望嘗試找出這些不同功能之間的語意關係。本研究提出三個假設如下：第一，情態動詞「會」有一個語意核心，表說話者對於句子命題的體現(realization)，有著非常高的把握；第二，情態動詞「會」在句子裡擔任一個運符(operator)的角色，其作用是將說話者對此句子的語態加諸在此句子之上；第三，本篇論文提出「會」所呈現出許多不同的功能，是經由情態動詞與句子之情態內容所交互作用的結果。 / Carrying multiple functions--such as ability, prediction and generic--the modal verb hui in Mandarin Chinese has been extensively studied by previous researchers. This thesis, following the monosemy view, claims that the various functions of hui are not arbitrary, but closely related to one another. To account for the correlation between the various functions of hui, this thesis proposes three hypotheses. First, hui denotes assurance, indicating that the speaker’s attitude towards the realization of the propositional content is full of high assurance. Secondly, hui functions as an OPERATOR of the proposition denoted by the sentence. Thirdly, hui's multiple functions are context-derived. This thesis maintains that it is the interaction between the modal verb hui and the sentence’s proposition that results in the different functions carried by hui.