Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine the history of elementary schools held by the Church as well as the history of primary schools, comprehensive schools and secondary schools in various municipalities in Lapland up to the end of school year 1998-99. This is a basic research. The examination proceeds from the founding of the first educational institution of each school type. The first itinerant catechists of Finland began teaching in Utsjoki in 1751. The first primary school was founded in Rovaniemi in 1870. Lapland changed over to comprehensive school system in 1972. The Tornio Pedagogium was granted founding permit in 1630. The schools held by the Church were either permanent or itinerant. The importance of permanent schools was insignificant in Lapland. Itinerant school system consisted of two categories; catechist schools and itinerant schools. Their educational aims were uniform. Catechists received their salary from the state whereas itinerant schools were maintained mainly by parishes. Catechist schools were founded only in the parishes of Northern and Eastern Lapland. In other parishes instruction was given by itinerant schools. Even in the beginning of the 1920's the amount of school-aged children in Lapland was higher in itinerant schools than in primary ones. The last catechist school was closed in Inari in 1954. The history of the primary school and comprehensive school can be divided into four periods. The starting point was the year 1866 when the Regulation on Primary Schools was issued. This first period came to an end in 1898 when each municipality of Lapland became obliged to divide its area into school districts. The Regulation on Primary Schools didn't oblige rural municipalities to found schools but made it possible for them. In school year 1897-98 only 24 schools gave instruction in Lapland. The obligation to form school districts brought schools even to the biggest villages in peripheral areas. In school year 1920-21 there were 96 schools in Lapland. The Compulsory Education Act was issued in 1921. The inhabitants of Lapland were active and hence in the autumn 1929 there were already 205 primary schools. The years subsequent to the war meant rapid progress in society with the result that more than 160 new primary schools were founded in Lapland. In school year 1957-58 the amount of schools was at its highest, 425. The fourth period in the history of the primary school and comprehensive school comprises the school years 1958-99. At that time the Primary Schools Act and Comprehensive Schools Act were in force. In the 1960's Finland and first of all Lapland were met by a severe crisis. Until now the increase of population had been strong. Now, however, it began to decrease. The inhabitants of peripheral areas began migrating to towns, Southern Finland and Sweden. In 1974-75 the amount of lower levels of the comprehensive school was no more than 313. The situation improved to some extent for 15 years due to the measures taken by the state. Consequently, in 1989-90 there were still 281 schools. In the 1990's Finland was shaken up by depression. In Lapland, then, unemployment increased, which resulted in migration. In autumn 1998 there were 200 lower levels of the comprehensive school. The only secondary school in Lapland was for a long time in Tornio. The next secondary school was founded in the town of Kemi in 1897. In autumn 1939 there were three educational institutions in Lapland enabling the students to continue their studies at university. After the war, especially in the 1960's, plenty of secondary schools were founded in Lapland. / Tiivistelmä Tavoitteenani on selvittää Lapin kirkollisten alkuopetuskoulujen sekä kansa-, perus- ja oppikoulujen historiaa kuntakohtaisesti lukuvuoden 1998-99 loppuun saakka. Kyseessä on perustutkimus. Tarkastelu alkaa kunkin koulumuodon ensimmäisen oppilaitoksen käynnistymisestä. Vuoden 1750 tienoilla aloittivat Utsjoella Suomen ensimmäiset kiertävät katekeetat opetustyönsä. Ensimmäinen kansakoulu avattiin Rovaniemellä 1870. Lappi siirtyi peruskoulujärjestelmään 1972. Tornion pedagogio sai perustamisluvan 1630. Kirkolliset koulut olivat kiinteitä tai kiertäviä. Kiinteiden koulujen merkitys Lapissa oli vähäinen. Kiertävät koulut ryhmitellään katekeetta- ja kiertokouluiksi. Niiden opetustavoitteet olivat yhteneväiset. Katekeettojen palkat maksoi valtio. Kiertokoulujen toiminnan rahoittivat lähinnä seurakunnat. Katekeettakouluja perustettiin vain Pohjois- ja Itä-Lapin seurakuntiin. Muissa seurakunnissa opetuksesta vastasivat kiertokoulut. Lapin kiertävissä kouluissa oli vielä 1920-luvun alussa enemmän kouluikäisiä kuin kansakouluissa. Viimeinen katekeettakoulu suljettiin Inarissa 1954. Kansa- ja peruskoulujen toiminta-aika jakaantuu luontevasti neljään jaksoon. Lähtöpiste on kansakouluasetuksen syntymävuosi 1866, ja ensimmäinen etappi päättyy 1898 piirijakoasetuksen antamiseen. Kansakouluasetus ei määrännyt maalaiskuntia perustamaan kansakouluja, mutta teki sen mahdolliseksi. Lukuvuonna 1897-98 oli Lapissa vain 24 koulua. Piirijakoasetus toi kouluja myös suurimpiin sivukyliin. Lukuvuonna 1920-21 kouluja oli 96. Oppivelvollisuuslaki annettiin 1921. Lapin asukkaat olivat aktiivisia, ja syksyllä 1929 kansakouluja oli jo 205. Väkevästi elettyinä sodanjälkeisinä vuosina Lapissa käynnistettiin vielä yli 160 uutta kansakoulua. Lukuvuonna 1957-58 kouluja oli ennätysmäärä 425. Neljäs tarkastelukausi käsittää lukuvuodet 1958-99, jolloin kansa- ja peruskoululait olivat voimassa. Suomea ja ennenkaikkea Lappia kohtasi 1960-luvulla suuri murros. Väestön voimakas kasvu pysähtyi kääntyen laskuun. Muuttoliike suuntautui maatalouskylistä kaupunkeihin, Etelä-Suomeen ja Ruotsiin. Ala-asteita oli 1974-75 enää 313. Valtion toimenpitein tilanne tasoittui 15 vuodeksi, ja kouluja oli 1989-90 vielä 281. Lama ravisteli 1990-luvulla Suomea. Lapissakin työttömyys kasvoi aiheuttaen poismuuttoaallon. Syksyllä 1998 ala-asteita oli 200. Torniossa oli pitkään Lapin ainoa oppikoulu. Kemistä tuli oppikoulukaupunki 1897. Syksyllä 1939 oli Lapissa kolme yliopistoon johtavaa oppilaitosta. Sodan jälkeen, erityisesti 1960-luvulla, perustettiin Lappiin runsaasti oppikouluja.

Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine the history of elementary schools held by the Church as well as the history of primary schools, comprehensive schools and secondary schools in various municipalities in Lapland up to the end of school year 1998-99. This is a basic research. The examination proceeds from the founding of the first educational institution of each school type. The first itinerant catechists of Finland began teaching in Utsjoki in 1751. The first primary school was founded in Rovaniemi in 1870. Lapland changed over to comprehensive school system in 1972. The Tornio Pedagogium was granted founding permit in 1630. The schools held by the Church were either permanent or itinerant. The importance of permanent schools was insignificant in Lapland. Itinerant school system consisted of two categories; catechist schools and itinerant schools. Their educational aims were uniform. Catechists received their salary from the state whereas itinerant schools were maintained mainly by parishes. Catechist schools were founded only in the parishes of Northern and Eastern Lapland. In other parishes instruction was given by itinerant schools. Even in the beginning of the 1920's the amount of school-aged children in Lapland was higher in itinerant schools than in primary ones. The last catechist school was closed in Inari in 1954. The history of the primary school and comprehensive school can be divided into four periods. The starting point was the year 1866 when the Regulation on Primary Schools was issued. This first period came to an end in 1898 when each municipality of Lapland became obliged to divide its area into school districts. The Regulation on Primary Schools didn't oblige rural municipalities to found schools but made it possible for them. In school year 1897-98 only 24 schools gave instruction in Lapland. The obligation to form school districts brought schools even to the biggest villages in peripheral areas. In school year 1920-21 there were 96 schools in Lapland. The Compulsory Education Act was issued in 1921. The inhabitants of Lapland were active and hence in the autumn 1929 there were already 205 primary schools. The years subsequent to the war meant rapid progress in society with the result that more than 160 new primary schools were founded in Lapland. In school year 1957-58 the amount of schools was at its highest, 425. The fourth period in the history of the primary school and comprehensive school comprises the school years 1958-99. At that time the Primary Schools Act and Comprehensive Schools Act were in force. In the 1960's Finland and first of all Lapland were met by a severe crisis. Until now the increase of population had been strong. Now, however, it began to decrease. The inhabitants of peripheral areas began migrating to towns, Southern Finland and Sweden. In 1974-75 the amount of lower levels of the comprehensive school was no more than 313. The situation improved to some extent for 15 years due to the measures taken by the state. Consequently, in 1989-90 there were still 281 schools. In the 1990's Finland was shaken up by depression. In Lapland, then, unemployment increased, which resulted in migration. In autumn 1998 there were 200 lower levels of the comprehensive school. The only secondary school in Lapland was for a long time in Tornio. The next secondary school was founded in the town of Kemi in 1897. In autumn 1939 there were three educational institutions in Lapland enabling the students to continue their studies at university. After the war, especially in the 1960's, plenty of secondary schools were founded in Lapland. / Tiivistelmä Tavoitteenani on selvittää Lapin kirkollisten alkuopetuskoulujen sekä kansa-, perus- ja oppikoulujen historiaa kuntakohtaisesti lukuvuoden 1998-99 loppuun saakka. Kyseessä on perustutkimus. Tarkastelu alkaa kunkin koulumuodon ensimmäisen oppilaitoksen käynnistymisestä. Vuoden 1750 tienoilla aloittivat Utsjoella Suomen ensimmäiset kiertävät katekeetat opetustyönsä. Ensimmäinen kansakoulu avattiin Rovaniemellä 1870. Lappi siirtyi peruskoulujärjestelmään 1972. Tornion pedagogio sai perustamisluvan 1630. Kirkolliset koulut olivat kiinteitä tai kiertäviä. Kiinteiden koulujen merkitys Lapissa oli vähäinen. Kiertävät koulut ryhmitellään katekeetta- ja kiertokouluiksi. Niiden opetustavoitteet olivat yhteneväiset. Katekeettojen palkat maksoi valtio. Kiertokoulujen toiminnan rahoittivat lähinnä seurakunnat. Katekeettakouluja perustettiin vain Pohjois- ja Itä-Lapin seurakuntiin. Muissa seurakunnissa opetuksesta vastasivat kiertokoulut. Lapin kiertävissä kouluissa oli vielä 1920-luvun alussa enemmän kouluikäisiä kuin kansakouluissa. Viimeinen katekeettakoulu suljettiin Inarissa 1954. Kansa- ja peruskoulujen toiminta-aika jakaantuu luontevasti neljään jaksoon. Lähtöpiste on kansakouluasetuksen syntymävuosi 1866, ja ensimmäinen etappi päättyy 1898 piirijakoasetuksen antamiseen. Kansakouluasetus ei määrännyt maalaiskuntia perustamaan kansakouluja, mutta teki sen mahdolliseksi. Lukuvuonna 1897-98 oli Lapissa vain 24 koulua. Piirijakoasetus toi kouluja myös suurimpiin sivukyliin. Lukuvuonna 1920-21 kouluja oli 96. Oppivelvollisuuslaki annettiin 1921. Lapin asukkaat olivat aktiivisia, ja syksyllä 1929 kansakouluja oli jo 205. Väkevästi elettyinä sodanjälkeisinä vuosina Lapissa käynnistettiin vielä yli 160 uutta kansakoulua. Lukuvuonna 1957-58 kouluja oli ennätysmäärä 425. Neljäs tarkastelukausi käsittää lukuvuodet 1958-99, jolloin kansa- ja peruskoululait olivat voimassa. Suomea ja ennenkaikkea Lappia kohtasi 1960-luvulla suuri murros. Väestön voimakas kasvu pysähtyi kääntyen laskuun. Muuttoliike suuntautui maatalouskylistä kaupunkeihin, Etelä-Suomeen ja Ruotsiin. Ala-asteita oli 1974-75 enää 313. Valtion toimenpitein tilanne tasoittui 15 vuodeksi, ja kouluja oli 1989-90 vielä 281. Lama ravisteli 1990-luvulla Suomea. Lapissakin työttömyys kasvoi aiheuttaen poismuuttoaallon. Syksyllä 1998 ala-asteita oli 200. Torniossa oli pitkään Lapin ainoa oppikoulu. Kemistä tuli oppikoulukaupunki 1897. Syksyllä 1939 oli Lapissa kolme yliopistoon johtavaa oppilaitosta. Sodan jälkeen, erityisesti 1960-luvulla, perustettiin Lappiin runsaasti oppikouluja.

The introduction of school governing bodies provided the communities with an opportunity to play a significant role in the organisation and governance of the schools. This involvement of significant stakeholders is purported to oversee that schools offer education of high quality to the learners. However, school governance is a legal responsibility, which requires skills, knowledge and expertise to ensure that SGB members will be able to fulfil the concomitant legal duties. The aim of the study was to investigate the impact of SGBs' capacity on school governance in three rural schools in the Moretele District. The findings revealed that SGBs' knowledge and understanding of their roles and responsibilities, and the type of training they receive have a marked effect on their functionality. There is also a need to recruit SGB members with a particular level of education, knowledge, understanding and expertise to minimize the chances of failure. / Educational Studies / Thesis (M. Ed.)

The implementation of the South African Schools Act (Act 84 of 1996) has placed additional financial management responsibilities on school principals and school governing bodies. Financial management has created several challenges for school principals and members of school governing bodies who do not have the necessary financial knowledge, skill and expertise to perform this function. This research was undertaken primarily to determine how principals and members of school governing bodies, in public primary schools, implement financial policy. The research is supported by a detailed literature study covering financial policy, the budget process, approaches to budgeting, the advantages of a budget system and requirements for effective financial control. In order to determine the financial management practices at public primary schools a questionnaire was designed and administered amongst twenty five public primary schools in the Ekurhuleni South District of the Gauteng Department of Education. The findings suggest that there is a need for schools to communicate resolutions adopted at parents’ meetings and other consultative procedures to parents of learners and in this way ensure the dissemination of pertinent information. There is a need for early intervention by schools concerning outstanding school fees to prevent the exacerbation of the problem. Educational institutions should prepare their budgets on the basis of their main objectives and policies in order to ensure an efficient allocation of funds. / Education / M. Ed. (Education Management)

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following significant changes in legislation since the enactment of The Constitution of South Africa, 1996, and also accelerated by the ratification of the South African School Act of 1996, the array of services delegated to schools has placed an ever greater responsibility on school governing bodies and principals. Key to those responsibilities is the capacity to manage school finances. Although the South African Schools Act gives schools freedom to exercise their authority in managing school finances, along with this goes the responsibility to maintain with due regard proper accountability and control over the expenditure of public funds. This investigative research study looked at the extent to which the financial management systems employed in schools in utilizing Section 21 funding comply with relevant legislative and policy framework. In terms of financial management, schools are divided into two categories. There are Section 20 schools whose budget is centralized and managed by the Department of Education. Then there are Section 21 schools whose budget is decentralized to schools and these schools have sovereignty in managing their financial resources in compliance with relevant legislation, policies and procedures. A non-empirical study was undertaken which reviewed and analyzed literature on a financial management legislative framework as well as systems and procedures of financial management applicable to public institutions in general and those that relate specifically to schools. Subsequent to that, an empirical investigation was conducted. A questionnaire was issued to 72 principals who formed the sample of the study. The sample represented 21.3% of the total number of Section 21 Schools in the district of Mthatha. The questionnaire was administered to solicit the extent to which principals understand and apply the legislation, policies and procedures that underpin financial management systems in schools. Focus group interviews were held with school finance committees. These discussions were used to collect a wider range of information and insight on how schools manage financial resources. A qualitative financial documentary analysis was conducted in four schools. To achieve a holistic understanding of the research problem in-depth interviews were also conducted with district officials. The study revealed that, there is indeed a noteworthy divergence between the directives of the applicable financial policies and financial management practices in the majority of schools. The most critical deviations identified include, absence of clear policy directives on procurement procedures and financial controls, poor financial recording and lack of clarity on the roles and responsibilities of different financial structures. The key recommendation of the study is the establishment of an internal audit unit within the district which will serve as a basis of the fiscal oversight processes for schools. Since this unit will work closely with schools, this will advance significant improvements in financial accountability, systems of internal control in school and general financial administration processes. This unit will advance ongoing support in the form of training, monitoring and mentoring of the governing bodies and principals to inculcate strong financial leadership in schools. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: As gevolg van betekenisvolle verandering in wetgewing sedert die promulgasie van die S.A. Grondwet in 1996, en bespoedig deur die bekragtiging van die Suid-Afrikaanse Skolewet van 1996, word ’n uiteenlopende verskeidenheid bevoegdhede tans aan skole toegewys. Dit plaas toenemende verantwoordelikheid in die hande van beheerliggame en skoolhoofde. Aan die kern hiervan lê die bevoegdheid om skoolfinansies te bestuur. Alhoewel die Suid-Afrikaanse Skolewet vryheid aan skole verleen om hulle gedelegeerde mag betreffende finansies na goeddunke uit te oefen, gaan dit gepaard met verantwoordelikheid om omsigtigheid aan die dag te lê en aanspreeklikheid vir die aanwending van openbare fondse te aanvaar. Hierdie ondersoekende studie het nagevors in watter mate die finansiële bestuurstelsel wat skole gebruik om Seksie 21-befondsing te benut, voldoen aan die vereistes van die relevante wetgewing en voorgeskrewe beleidsraamwerk. Skole word, volgens finansiële bestuursreëls, in twee kategorieë verdeel. Daar is Seksie 20-skole, wie se begrotings gesentraliseer en deur die Departement van Onderwys bestuur word. Daar is ook Seksie 21-skole wie se begrotings gedesentraliseer is. Laasgenoemde skole besit dus die volwaardige reg om hul finansiële hulpbronne self te bestuur; solank dit voldoen aan voorgeskrewe wetgewing, beleid en prosedure. ’n Nie-empiriese studie is onderneem om die toepaslike literatuur oor finansiële bestuur en die betrokke wetgewingsraamwerk in oënskou te neem. Verder is die sisteme en finansiële bestuursprosedures wat betrekking het op openbare instellings in die algemeen, en op skole in die besonder, ook ondersoek. Hierna is ’n empierise ondersoek gedoen. ’n Vraelys is aan 72 skoolhoofde, die monster vir die ondersoek, gerig. Dié monster het 21.3% van die totale aantal Seksie 21-skole in die Mthatha-distrik verteenwoordig. Die vraelys was sodanig saamgestel en geadministreer dat dit die nodige inligting sou bekom om te kan bepaal tot watter mate skoolhoofde wetgewing, beleid en prosedure, wat finansiële bestuurstelsels in skole ondersteun, verstaan en toepas. Gefokusde groep-onderhoude is met skole se finanskomitees gevoer. Hierdie besprekings is aangewend om ’n wyer reeks inligting en insigte te bekom oor hoe skole hulle finasiele hulpbronne bestuur. ’n Kwalitatiewe dokumentêre analise van vier skole se finansiële state is uitgevoer. Om ’n meer omvattende begrip van die navorsingsproblematiek te bekom, is in diepte onderhoude, op ’n een-tot-een basis, ook met distriksamptenare gevoer. Dit het aangedui dat daar inderdaad, by ’n meerderheid skole, ten opsigte van die voorgeskrewe finansiële beleid en bestuur, noemenswaardig uiteenlopende toepassing van riglyne was. Die mees kritieke afwykings geïdentifiseer, sluit in: gebrek aan duidelike beleidsriglyne oor aanskaffingsprosedure en finansiële beheer, swak boekhouding en onduidelikheid oor die verpligtings en verantwoordelikhede van die verskillende finansiële strukture. Die studie se sleutelaanbeveling is dat ’n interne ouditeenheid vir die distrik tot stand gebring moet word. Dit sal die ruggraat vorm vir die fiskale toesighoudingsproses vir die betrokke skole. Aangesien hierdie ouditeenheid nou saam met skole sal werk, sal dit tot betekenisvolle verbetering van interne finansiële beheerstelsels van skole lei en beter algemene finansiële beheer en administratiewe aanspreeklikheid tot gevolg hê. Hierdie eenheid sal deurlopend, deur middel van opleiding, monitering en mentorskap aan bestuursliggame en skoolhoofde, ondersteuning verleen. Sodoende sal ’n kultuur van sterk finansiële leierskap in skole gevestig word.

The purpose of this study was to describe a Title I inclusion program in a north Texas middle school, to evaluate the degree of its success as a high achieving program, and to analyze how closely it met the requirements of the Improving America's Schools Act of 1994. Data were collected from the learning facilitators and teachers at the middle school with the permission of the school district. This study began with extensive research on the nature of adolescents and the beliefs and characteristics of high achieving middle schools. It addressed the steps which were recommended in the literature to improve middle schools and benefit students that are at-risk of failing to master the curriculum at their grade level. The researcher concluded by reporting effective strategies being used in middle school at-risk programs. These are strategies noted by experts as successful in identified programs. The population for this study was seventh and eighth grade Title I students who attended middle school during the 1992-1993, 1993-1994, 1994-1995 and 1995-1996 school years. The data collected by the researcher are presented in two parts: the description of the Title I inclusion program; and the results of the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills tests in reading and math, the Shaw-Hiehle Math Tests, and the Gates-MacGinitie Reading Tests. Findings from this study suggest that the program met the requirements of a Title I program established by the federal government. The test scores for the middle school improved during the three years of the program. The Title I inclusion program met the requirements of the Improving America's Schools Act. Finally, the Title I students were successful working in classrooms with other students on challenging curriculum which met the State's content and performance standards. These findings have implications for other middle schools who are developing Title I programs to meet the requirements of the Improving America's Schools Act.

Informed by institutional ethnography, and taking the problematic from disjunctures in teacher/participants’ experience between actual practice and official policy, this study is an intertextual analysis of print/electronic documents pertaining to students ‘at risk.’ It unpacks the Student Success Strategy in Ontario secondary schools as organized around discourses on risk and safety. Discriminatory classing and racializing processes construct students ‘at risk’ in ways that reproduce socio-economic inequities through premature streaming into pathways geared to post-secondary destinations: university, college, apprenticeship and work. This study questions the accounting logic that reduces education to skills training in workplace literacy/numeracy, and contradicts the official ‘success’ story that promotes Ontario as a model of large-scale educational change. The follow-up intertextual analyses reveal ideological circles that promote ‘evidence-based research’ and ‘evidence-informed practice,’ while actually gearing education to improving ‘results’ on large-scale standardized tests and manufacturing consent for government policies. Questions arise about the lack of transparency and selective use of educational research. A web of behind-the-scenes activities are made visible at public policy think-tanks (e.g. Canadian Council on Learning; Canadian Language and Literacy Research Network), and two little-researched bodies in educational governance — the Council of Ministers of Education Canada (CMEC) and OECD. Although invisible to teachers, the infrastructure for the Student Success Strategy is the Ontario School Information System (OnSIS); this web-enabled data-management technology has built-in capacity to profile students ‘at risk’ and to instigate accountability and surveillance over teachers’ work, with implications for re-regulating teaching practice towards test scores and aggregate statistics. With the intention of transforming education towards genuine equity, and linking the re-organization of social relations in large-scale reform locally, nationally and globally, this study contributes to critical scholarship on the effects of reform policies on people’s lives and extends knowledge of how translocal text-mediated ruling relations operate in education.

Informed by institutional ethnography, and taking the problematic from disjunctures in teacher/participants’ experience between actual practice and official policy, this study is an intertextual analysis of print/electronic documents pertaining to students ‘at risk.’ It unpacks the Student Success Strategy in Ontario secondary schools as organized around discourses on risk and safety. Discriminatory classing and racializing processes construct students ‘at risk’ in ways that reproduce socio-economic inequities through premature streaming into pathways geared to post-secondary destinations: university, college, apprenticeship and work. This study questions the accounting logic that reduces education to skills training in workplace literacy/numeracy, and contradicts the official ‘success’ story that promotes Ontario as a model of large-scale educational change. The follow-up intertextual analyses reveal ideological circles that promote ‘evidence-based research’ and ‘evidence-informed practice,’ while actually gearing education to improving ‘results’ on large-scale standardized tests and manufacturing consent for government policies. Questions arise about the lack of transparency and selective use of educational research. A web of behind-the-scenes activities are made visible at public policy think-tanks (e.g. Canadian Council on Learning; Canadian Language and Literacy Research Network), and two little-researched bodies in educational governance — the Council of Ministers of Education Canada (CMEC) and OECD. Although invisible to teachers, the infrastructure for the Student Success Strategy is the Ontario School Information System (OnSIS); this web-enabled data-management technology has built-in capacity to profile students ‘at risk’ and to instigate accountability and surveillance over teachers’ work, with implications for re-regulating teaching practice towards test scores and aggregate statistics. With the intention of transforming education towards genuine equity, and linking the re-organization of social relations in large-scale reform locally, nationally and globally, this study contributes to critical scholarship on the effects of reform policies on people’s lives and extends knowledge of how translocal text-mediated ruling relations operate in education.

Through the simple action of covering one’s head with the wrong type of apparel, at the wrong time, and in the wrong spaces, Black and racialized youth exist in a hostile environment where their identities are reconstructed and relabeled according to dominant economic-political needs. This study interrogates and ruptures dominant notions of how space, identity and power are constructed, confronted, engaged, negotiated and resisted by Black and racialized youth in greater Toronto Area (GTA) schools. In an atmosphere of zero-tolerance toward policing youth violence, the anti-gang focus of the Safe Schools headwear policies institutionalize a ‘colour-coded’ link between crime, violence and race. Through ethnographic narrative inquiry this study critically interrogates the multiplicity of ways how the collision between zero-tolerance approaches toward regulating school violence and the policing of specific types of headwear and bodies results in differential outcomes and impacts on Black students and other racialized groups.

Through the simple action of covering one’s head with the wrong type of apparel, at the wrong time, and in the wrong spaces, Black and racialized youth exist in a hostile environment where their identities are reconstructed and relabeled according to dominant economic-political needs. This study interrogates and ruptures dominant notions of how space, identity and power are constructed, confronted, engaged, negotiated and resisted by Black and racialized youth in greater Toronto Area (GTA) schools. In an atmosphere of zero-tolerance toward policing youth violence, the anti-gang focus of the Safe Schools headwear policies institutionalize a ‘colour-coded’ link between crime, violence and race. Through ethnographic narrative inquiry this study critically interrogates the multiplicity of ways how the collision between zero-tolerance approaches toward regulating school violence and the policing of specific types of headwear and bodies results in differential outcomes and impacts on Black students and other racialized groups.