A presente tese examina a disputa no interior da teoria democrática contemporânea entre as concepções agregativas de inspiração economicista e os modelos deliberativos. Argumenta-se que as concepções economicistas são incapazes de apreender adequadamente a dimensão coletiva da comunidade política, cuja natureza, na modernidade, é constitutivamente representativa. Nesse sentido, após a exposição crítica dos modelos agregativos, duas tarefas são levadas a cabo: (i) o escrutínio dos sentidos da representação e (ii) o exame das teorias deliberativas. O ponto de encontro dessas duas dimensões pretende revelar em que medida somente a partir duma concepção deliberativa é possível captarmos o processo de constituição da comunidade política a ser permanentemente recriada e representada através dos processos políticos. Nesse itinerário, distinguimos dois pares conceituais em torno dos quais se organizam os eixos centrais da pesquisa. Em primeiro lugar, para opor teorias economicistas e deliberativas, investigamos as definições de barganha e argumentação pública como princípios que organizam instituições, processos de formação de interesses, vontades e preferências cujo objetivo, no limite, é a promoção de decisões coletiva encerradas, em geral, pelo voto como mecanismo de fechamento dos procedimentos decisórios. Em segundo, examinamos o estatuto da representação a partir do par figuração simbólica e mandato. Por fim, demonstra-se como somente uma arquitetônica deliberativa é capaz de engendrar um processo de figuração da comunidade política que perpassa os mecanismos do governo representativo e as estruturas de participação política na esfera pública. / This dissertation aims to examine the controversy in the contemporary democratic theory between the aggregative conceptions of economic theory of democracy and the deliberative models. It argues that the economic conceptions are incapable of adequately apprehend the collective dimension of political community, whose nature, in modernity, is constitutively representative. In this sense, after the critical exposition of the aggregative models, two tasks are carried out: (i) the scrutiny of the senses of representation and (ii) the examination of deliberative theories. The concurrence t of these dimensions intend to reveal to what extent we depend only on a deliberative conception to be able to capture the constitutional process of a political community as being constantly recreated and represented through political processes. In this itinerary, we distinguish two conceptual pairs that will serve as a center around which the research revolves.. First, in order to oppose economicists and deliberative theories, we investigate the definitions of bargaining and public deliberation understood as principles organizing institutions, and process of formation of interests, will and preferences whose objective is, at minimum, the promotion of collective decisions constrained, in general, by voting as a mechanism of closing the decision-making procedures. Second, we examine the statute of representation from the perspective of the pair symbolic figuration and mandate. Finally, we demonstrate how only a deliberative frameworks able to generate a process of figuration of a political community that supasses the mechanisms of government political participation in the public sphere.

The dissertation engages in a critical analysis of the involvement of the Brusselsbased European NGOs in European governance. It conducts a survey on the European Commission&rsquo / s relevant initiatives after the 1990s and interrogates the implications of these initiatives on one of the prominent European NGO network, the Social Platform of European NGOs. The common understanding conceives of these organizations as conducive to democratization of EU governance within the scope of participatory democracy. However, I endeavour to argue that the Commission has had an aim to make use of the civil society discourse for its institutional interests, while intentionally and unintentionally shaping (and reshaping) civic action in Europe. Participatory democracy project, which is promoted by the Commission, can be seen as a deliberate venture of shaping civic action and state-society relationships in Europe. With respect to this goal, it has encouraged the Social Platform to act like its interlocutor vis-&agrave / -vis the NGO community organised both at national and European level. Deriving from the Foucaultian concept of governmentality, I inquiry into the effects of this discourse on the Social Platform, which has been particularly created by the Commission to disperse the participatory democracy and good governance discourse in Europe.

A presente tese examina a disputa no interior da teoria democrática contemporânea entre as concepções agregativas de inspiração economicista e os modelos deliberativos. Argumenta-se que as concepções economicistas são incapazes de apreender adequadamente a dimensão coletiva da comunidade política, cuja natureza, na modernidade, é constitutivamente representativa. Nesse sentido, após a exposição crítica dos modelos agregativos, duas tarefas são levadas a cabo: (i) o escrutínio dos sentidos da representação e (ii) o exame das teorias deliberativas. O ponto de encontro dessas duas dimensões pretende revelar em que medida somente a partir duma concepção deliberativa é possível captarmos o processo de constituição da comunidade política a ser permanentemente recriada e representada através dos processos políticos. Nesse itinerário, distinguimos dois pares conceituais em torno dos quais se organizam os eixos centrais da pesquisa. Em primeiro lugar, para opor teorias economicistas e deliberativas, investigamos as definições de barganha e argumentação pública como princípios que organizam instituições, processos de formação de interesses, vontades e preferências cujo objetivo, no limite, é a promoção de decisões coletiva encerradas, em geral, pelo voto como mecanismo de fechamento dos procedimentos decisórios. Em segundo, examinamos o estatuto da representação a partir do par figuração simbólica e mandato. Por fim, demonstra-se como somente uma arquitetônica deliberativa é capaz de engendrar um processo de figuração da comunidade política que perpassa os mecanismos do governo representativo e as estruturas de participação política na esfera pública. / This dissertation aims to examine the controversy in the contemporary democratic theory between the aggregative conceptions of economic theory of democracy and the deliberative models. It argues that the economic conceptions are incapable of adequately apprehend the collective dimension of political community, whose nature, in modernity, is constitutively representative. In this sense, after the critical exposition of the aggregative models, two tasks are carried out: (i) the scrutiny of the senses of representation and (ii) the examination of deliberative theories. The concurrence t of these dimensions intend to reveal to what extent we depend only on a deliberative conception to be able to capture the constitutional process of a political community as being constantly recreated and represented through political processes. In this itinerary, we distinguish two conceptual pairs that will serve as a center around which the research revolves.. First, in order to oppose economicists and deliberative theories, we investigate the definitions of bargaining and public deliberation understood as principles organizing institutions, and process of formation of interests, will and preferences whose objective is, at minimum, the promotion of collective decisions constrained, in general, by voting as a mechanism of closing the decision-making procedures. Second, we examine the statute of representation from the perspective of the pair symbolic figuration and mandate. Finally, we demonstrate how only a deliberative frameworks able to generate a process of figuration of a political community that supasses the mechanisms of government political participation in the public sphere.

A presente tese examina a disputa no interior da teoria democrática contemporânea entre as concepções agregativas de inspiração economicista e os modelos deliberativos. Argumenta-se que as concepções economicistas são incapazes de apreender adequadamente a dimensão coletiva da comunidade política, cuja natureza, na modernidade, é constitutivamente representativa. Nesse sentido, após a exposição crítica dos modelos agregativos, duas tarefas são levadas a cabo: (i) o escrutínio dos sentidos da representação e (ii) o exame das teorias deliberativas. O ponto de encontro dessas duas dimensões pretende revelar em que medida somente a partir duma concepção deliberativa é possível captarmos o processo de constituição da comunidade política a ser permanentemente recriada e representada através dos processos políticos. Nesse itinerário, distinguimos dois pares conceituais em torno dos quais se organizam os eixos centrais da pesquisa. Em primeiro lugar, para opor teorias economicistas e deliberativas, investigamos as definições de barganha e argumentação pública como princípios que organizam instituições, processos de formação de interesses, vontades e preferências cujo objetivo, no limite, é a promoção de decisões coletiva encerradas, em geral, pelo voto como mecanismo de fechamento dos procedimentos decisórios. Em segundo, examinamos o estatuto da representação a partir do par figuração simbólica e mandato. Por fim, demonstra-se como somente uma arquitetônica deliberativa é capaz de engendrar um processo de figuração da comunidade política que perpassa os mecanismos do governo representativo e as estruturas de participação política na esfera pública. / This dissertation aims to examine the controversy in the contemporary democratic theory between the aggregative conceptions of economic theory of democracy and the deliberative models. It argues that the economic conceptions are incapable of adequately apprehend the collective dimension of political community, whose nature, in modernity, is constitutively representative. In this sense, after the critical exposition of the aggregative models, two tasks are carried out: (i) the scrutiny of the senses of representation and (ii) the examination of deliberative theories. The concurrence t of these dimensions intend to reveal to what extent we depend only on a deliberative conception to be able to capture the constitutional process of a political community as being constantly recreated and represented through political processes. In this itinerary, we distinguish two conceptual pairs that will serve as a center around which the research revolves.. First, in order to oppose economicists and deliberative theories, we investigate the definitions of bargaining and public deliberation understood as principles organizing institutions, and process of formation of interests, will and preferences whose objective is, at minimum, the promotion of collective decisions constrained, in general, by voting as a mechanism of closing the decision-making procedures. Second, we examine the statute of representation from the perspective of the pair symbolic figuration and mandate. Finally, we demonstrate how only a deliberative frameworks able to generate a process of figuration of a political community that supasses the mechanisms of government political participation in the public sphere.

This thesis develops the Triangle Model, to offer a general framework through which the work of J&uuml / rgen Habermas could be better understood and assessed. Accordingly, it is argued that, it is possible to derive a triangle in Habermas&rsquo / s thought, formed by the concerns of publicness, communication, and democracy. Each corner of the triangle corresponds to a major concern and focus of Habermas&rsquo / s project chronologically. The Triangle Model provides an overview of continuities and discontinuities in Habermas&rsquo / s work. The main discontinuity found is between the first and the second corners of the triangle, namely between publicness and communication. It is argued that this rapture stems from an interpretive turn, composed of three points: the influence of Hegelian philosophy of human interaction, the concomitant criticism of Kantian foundationalism, and the incorporation of Arendt&rsquo / s communicative concept of power. This study also emphasises that there are points indicating continuity, or unity in Habermas&rsquo / s thought. First, an intersubjective theory of truth is employed in all three concerns or corners of the triangle. Second, in all these concerns, Habermas searches for an answer to the same question: &ldquo / how to produce legitimate norms&rdquo / . The principle of publicity and the authority of the better argument voiced in the first corner of the triangle -publicness-, the discourse ethics of the second corner, and the deliberative politics of the third corner are formulated and adapted by Habermas in order to find the ways of producing legitimate norms. In this context, it is argued that the deliberative politics is based on publicness and communication / or publicness and communication are indispensable for deliberative politics.

La modernité juridique porte en elle deux projets parfois contradictoires : le constitutionnalisme et la démocratie, c’est-à-dire la volonté de préserver la liberté de l’individu en limitant le pouvoir par la Constitution et celle d’associer les individus à l’élaboration des normes. Ce double projet se traduit dans le concept de démocratie constitutionnelle, dont il existe deux grandes conceptions. La première, dominante au sein de la doctrine juridique, fait de la protection des droits et libertés par un juge constitutionnel le point central de l’équilibre à réaliser entre liberté individuelle et exercice du pouvoir en commun. L’hypothèse qui sera la nôtre est de considérer que cette conception est soutenue par des discours à la fois descriptifs et prescriptifs, issus des autorités normatives ou de la doctrine, reposant essentiellement sur des présupposés libéraux. La mutation des droits de l’homme en droits fondamentaux ne peut se comprendre que dans le cadre d’une philosophie politique libérale, une conception particulière de la liberté, des droits et de la démocratie, ainsi que dans un contexte historique spécifique. Il existe cependant une seconde conception de la démocratie constitutionnelle, reposant, quant à elle, sur la philosophie républicaine. Celle-ci entend se séparer d’une conception trop centrée sur le juge, pour réévaluer le rôle des institutions élues et du peuple, dans la concrétisation de la Constitution. Ce républicanisme juridique, longtemps ignoré par la doctrine française, mais davantage théorisé à l’étranger, apporte ainsi des réponses utiles aux diverses évolutions venues perturber le champ classique du droit constitutionnel : développement des droits fondamentaux, déploiement de la justice constitutionnelle, érosion de la responsabilité politique, disparition du peuple, évolutions de la souveraineté. À cetitre, l’étude du républicanisme permet à la fois de mettre en lumière les limites de la conception libérale dominante de la démocratie constitutionnelle, tout en proposant une conception renouvelée de celle-ci. / Constitutionalism, and Democracy, are the two projects of modernity. The concept of constitutional democracy carries theses two projects. There are two conceptions of constitutional democracy. The first one is the most popular in legal scholarship. It is centred on rights-based judicial review. Our hypothesis is that this conception of constitutional democracy is backed up by descriptive and normative discourses resting on liberal assumptions. Therefore, the evolution from human rights to fundamental right is based on a specific conception of freedom, rights, democracy, and a specific historical context. This dominant view is not the only view. The second conception of constitutional democracy is based on republican philosophy. The republican view intent to overtake the judicial-centred conception of democracy, by rehabilitating elected institutions and the people themselves. This legal republicanism is widely ignored by French scholars, but very dynamic abroad, gives us tools to grasp recent constitutional evolutions : the expansion of fundamental rights, the growth of constitutional adjudication, the attrition of political responsibility, the disappearance of the people, the mutation of sovereignty. Therefore, republicanism brings to light the limits of dominant liberal conception of constitutional democracy, and put forward a renewed one.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5519.pdf: 1435722 bytes, checksum: cba6a48979dc6b45237f4b77d8adf300 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-05 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / Starting with the organization of social movements in the late 1960s, crossing the institutionalization of participation in the 1988 Constitution and disemboguing on the recent analysis on the institutional engineering of Participatory Budgeting from the 2000s, the research agenda on participatory institutions in Brazil, not only consolidated on the academic setting as well as is growing and diversifying in the last decades. Aiming to insert the most recent literature of the field of public policy in the studies in of participatory institutions, this dissertation is the union of two major movements: The first intends to redeem the theories of political science that guided the studies strongly about these new centers of popular empowerment. Based on the theories democratic and on the neo-institutionalism, the national literature produced extensive and important material about the extra-parliamentary representation and about the reconfiguration of the relationship between state and society, but also on the effects of institutionalization of participation and about their history and evaluation of its effectiveness. After reviewing the literature and what was produced from it, the second movement advocates the public policies as an epistemological field. Border to the field of political science, is through the explanation of some of his own theories and models of analysis of policy that aims to show new horizons for research agenda about the participatory institutions. Under the assumption that the participatory politics institutionalized in the 1988 Constitution can be understood as public policies, this work aims to show how, integrated, political science theories and models of public policy analysis can produce issues that drive to build a new research agenda of participatory institutions in Brazil. / Da organização dos movimentos sociais no final da década de 1960, passando pela institucionalização da participação na Constituição de 1988, desaguando nas recentes análises mais minuciosas sobre a engenharia institucional de Orçamentos Participativos a partir dos anos 2000, a agenda de pesquisa sobre as instituições participavas no Brasil não só se consolidou no cenário acadêmico como vem crescendo e se diversificando nas última décadas. Com o objetivo de inserir a mais recente literatura do campo de políticas públicas nos estudos das instituições participativas, essa dissertação se constitui da união de dois grandes movimentos: O primeiro pretende resgatar as teorias da ciência política que pautaram fortemente os estudos sobre esses novos centro de empoderamento popular. Das teorias democráticas ao neo-institucionalismo, a literatura nacional produziu extenso e importante material sobre a representação extraparlamentar e a reconfiguração da relação entre o Estado e a sociedade; como também sobre os efeitos da institucionalização da participação, seu histórico e a avaliação de sua eficácia e efetividade. Feito o balanço dessa literatura e do que foi produzido a partir dela, o segundo movimento defende as políticas públicas como um campo epistemológico. Fronteiriço ao campo da ciência política é através da explanação de algumas de suas teorias e modelos próprios de análise de formulação de políticas que se pretende mostrar novos horizontes para a agenda de pesquisa sobre as instituições participativas. Sob a hipótese de que as políticas participativas institucionalizadas na Constituição de 1988 podem ser entendidas como sendo políticas públicas, esse trabalho pretende demonstrar como, integradas, as teorias da ciência política e os modelos de análise de políticas públicas podem produzir questões que direcionem para a construção de uma nova agenda de pesquisa das instituições participativas no Brasil.