<p>The aim of this essay is to explore the lived citizenship and its ideal. First, the form and expression of citizenship practice and ideal is explored through a qualitative interwiev study of ten citizens in the southern suburbs of Stockholm. The perception and expectations of the nature of citizenship, presented by the informants, is then compared to their citizen ideal, as well as to the ideal presented and promoted by the Swedish government. The point of departure is theory of democracy. The essay calls attention to an observed lack of empirical studies in the field of deliberative theory of democracy as well as studies that more broadly bring the theory down to empirical earth. The method used here strives towards combining and interacting the theoretical and academic debate with empirical data of citizen experience. The result shows that the informants’ perceptions of their citizenship is largely liberal, though with participatory features. The citizenship ideal is closer to, but not in tune with, the more active and participatory democracy promoted by the Swedish government. The deliberative ideas, which have had a big influence on recent democracy projects in Sweden and generally, are not found to be supported by the informants.</p>

The dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and nationalism from a normative standpoint. A point of departure is the assumption that any democracy requires a referent community, or demos. Nationalism has, in practice, frequently provided democracies with this sense of community during the last two centuries. The author argues, firstly, that this connection has led to an entanglement of the concepts of democracy and nationalism, so that democrats tend to rely, often unknowingly, on the thought structures of nationalism as they seek to make explicit the identity of their respective communities. The mechanism by which this connection is upheld is demonstrated through two contextualized studies of discourse on common society-wide identity in, respectively, the contemporary United States of America and the contemporary Federal Republic of Germany. Secondly, it is argued (also on the basis of these contextualized studies) that the nationalist features which tend to ‘leak’ into the overarching, society-wide identities that are constructed in these debates contain an inherently exclusionary potential; however, this leakage is often glossed over by superficial anti-nationalism and phrases such as ‘civic nationalism’, which is contrasted with ‘ethnic nationalism’. Rather than hidden behind such rhetoric, the author argues, the nationalist thought structures that democrats tend to rely on should be brought into the light of day, so that the potentially destructive features of nationalism can be handled in the best way possible. Thirdly, it is claimed that deliberative models (such as that of Jürgen Habermas) are better suited than liberal nationalist models (such as that of David Miller) for this task.

This thesis has dealt with the thought of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt and with the reception of his work by the intellectual Left. The main goals of the thesis were to find out which aspects of Schmitt's work are the most popular among left-wing authors and to search for the causes of this inspiration. Thus, it was necessary to reconstruct the historical context in which such a conservative thinker becomes a frequently quoted author within various branches of leftist thought. In Carl Schmitt's case, because of his shift towards Nazism in the 1930s, there is also a methodological problem of the possible separation of his work from his career and personality, the separation of a particular theoretical approach from the motives which led to this approach. Therefore, the attempt to use Schmitt's thought for progressive left-wing goals is not easily compatible with strictly contextual reading of his work. Schmitt's work itself is described and analyzed especially in the first half of this thesis. The first chapter describes, in the historical context, some basic concepts which Schmitt deals with. The chapter is structured according to main targets of his critique: legal positivism; liberal democracy; quantitative total state, which is able to intervene in every part of society,...

O poder constituinte, tal como entendido pela teoria constitucionalista clássica, é definido como poder bruto, original, ilimitado e incondicionado, a partir do qual nasce o Estado e, por consequência, a ordem jurídica. Esse poder, definido como supraestatal, não encontra limites no direito e, nas concepções democráticas, é titularizado pelo povo soberano. Essa concepção teórica passa por uma releitura no trabalho, a fim de se definir o poder constituinte como poder comunicativo criador da norma constitucional, de aparição episódica, por meio do qual é possível filtrar os argumentos morais, ético-políticos e estratégicos expostos pelos cidadãos na esfera pública democrática, representativos de um modo de vida compartilhado que se impõe politicamente. De acordo com a releitura apresentada, os postulados da ilimitação material e da incondicionalidade do poder constituinte não se sustentam em face do paradigma da racionalidade comunicativa e dialogal. Na qualidade de momento de fundação e fundamentação da ordem constitucional, o poder constituinte precisa respeitar direitos pressupostos, garantidores da autonomia individual, e institucionalizar os procedimentos discursivos que viabilizam a reprodução do direito legítimo. Entendido como processo extraordinário, no qual os interesses e os valores permanecem latentes na sociedade, o exercício do poder constituinte representa um momento único para análise do discurso de fundamentação normativa, objeto central da tese. Associando-se fundamentação normativa com legitimidade política, nos termos da teoria democrática exposta por Jürgen Habermas, conclui-se que o cerne da legitimidade das ordens estatais organizadas democraticamente é a institucionalização de uma ordem jurídica fundamentada discursivamente por intermédio de um procedimento de deliberação pública, no qual todos os potenciais atingidos pela norma possam exprimir o seu assentimento. O poder constituinte, ao estruturar o estado, garante que o processo de formação da vontade e da opinião pública se estabilize e o consenso seja alcançado. / Constituent power, based on classical constitutional theory, is defined as raw, original, limitless and unconditional power, from which the state and, consequently, legal order are born. Such power, defined as supranational, knows no boundaries in the law and according to democratic notions it is held by the sovereign people. This thesis reexamines that theoretical conception in order to define constituent power as a communicative power which creates constitutional norm; it appears occasionally and it allows for a selection of moral, ethical-political and strategic arguments introduced by citizens in the public democratic sphere which represent a shared way of life that imposes itself politically. According to this reexamination, postulates of constituent powers material illimitation and unconditionality cannot resist to the paradigm of communicative and dialogical rationality. As the founding moment and grounds of constitutional order, constituent power must respect presupposed rights which guarantee individual autonomy and institutionalize discursive procedures which enable the reproduction of legitimate law. Understood as an extraordinary process in which interests and values remain latent in society, exercise of constituent power represents a unique moment to analyze the normative grounds discourse, the core issue of this thesis. Combining normative grounds and political legitimacy, in the terms of the democratic theory introduced by Jürgen Habermas, the conclusion is that the essence of legitimacy of democratically-organized state orders is the institutionalization of a legal order based discursively through a process of public deliberation, where all individuals potentially affected by the norm may express their consent. By structuring the state, constituting power ensures that the public will and opinion formation process will become stable and consensus will be reached.

A legitimidade na instituição das normas jurídicas e a racionalidade de sua aplicação são elementos fundamentais para a análise de um sistema jurídico inserido em um Estado Democrático de Direito. Esses critérios possibilitam a observação das normas pelos indivíduos mesmo ausente a coercibilidade imediata. A sua verificação no âmbito do Direito Tributário, portanto, revela especial importância em razão da sua característica principal de transferir dinheiro dos particulares para o Estado. O objetivo deste estudo é verificar a possibilidade de ampliação da legitimidade e racionalidade das normas tributárias por meio da teoria procedimental da democracia. Para isso, analisa a teoria comunicativa frente o Estado Democrático de Direito, principalmente no que se refere à formação da vontade e à necessidade de autocertificação da modernidade, bem como descreve o processo de instituição e aplicação das normas tributárias no direito brasileiro, explicitando as formas pelas quais o Poder Executivo pode inseri-las no ordenamento jurídico. A partir da confrontação dos marcos teóricos estabelecidos e uma decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, analisa a racionalidade das decisões judiciais por meio da retomada do procedimento legitimador de instituição das normas jurídicas. O estudo tem como método a revisão da bibliografia relacionada ao tema, bem como a utilização do estudo de caso em capítulo específico para exemplificação do objetivo pretendido. A descrição da teoria habermasiana mostra a sua eficácia no controle dos critérios de legitimação na instituição e aplicação das normas jurídicas, por meio do controle argumentativo, fundado na teoria do discurso. / The legitimacy of the institution of legal rules and the rationality of its implementation are fundamental to the analysis of a legal system inserted in a democratic rule of law. These criteria allow the observation of the rules by the citizens even without an immediate coercivity. This check about the tax law, therefore, reveals special importance because of its main feature to transfer money from the private to the State. The aim of this study is to verify the possibility of expanding the legitimacy and rationality of tax rules through procedural theory of democracy. For this, it analyzes the communicative theory in the democratic rule of law, especially as regards the training of the will and the need for self-certification of modernity, as well as describes the establishment and application process of tax rules in Brazilian law, explicit forms by which the executive branch can enter them in the legal system. From the comparison of the established theoretical frameworks and a decision of the Supreme Court, analyzes the rationality of judicial decisions through the recovery of legitimating procedure institution of legal rules. The study uses the method of the literature review related to the theme, and the use of case study in a specific chapter for exemplification of the intended goal. The description of Habermas\' theory shows its effectiveness in controlling the legitimacy of criteria in the institution and application of legal rules, through reasoning control, based on the theory of discourse.

O poder constituinte, tal como entendido pela teoria constitucionalista clássica, é definido como poder bruto, original, ilimitado e incondicionado, a partir do qual nasce o Estado e, por consequência, a ordem jurídica. Esse poder, definido como supraestatal, não encontra limites no direito e, nas concepções democráticas, é titularizado pelo povo soberano. Essa concepção teórica passa por uma releitura no trabalho, a fim de se definir o poder constituinte como poder comunicativo criador da norma constitucional, de aparição episódica, por meio do qual é possível filtrar os argumentos morais, ético-políticos e estratégicos expostos pelos cidadãos na esfera pública democrática, representativos de um modo de vida compartilhado que se impõe politicamente. De acordo com a releitura apresentada, os postulados da ilimitação material e da incondicionalidade do poder constituinte não se sustentam em face do paradigma da racionalidade comunicativa e dialogal. Na qualidade de momento de fundação e fundamentação da ordem constitucional, o poder constituinte precisa respeitar direitos pressupostos, garantidores da autonomia individual, e institucionalizar os procedimentos discursivos que viabilizam a reprodução do direito legítimo. Entendido como processo extraordinário, no qual os interesses e os valores permanecem latentes na sociedade, o exercício do poder constituinte representa um momento único para análise do discurso de fundamentação normativa, objeto central da tese. Associando-se fundamentação normativa com legitimidade política, nos termos da teoria democrática exposta por Jürgen Habermas, conclui-se que o cerne da legitimidade das ordens estatais organizadas democraticamente é a institucionalização de uma ordem jurídica fundamentada discursivamente por intermédio de um procedimento de deliberação pública, no qual todos os potenciais atingidos pela norma possam exprimir o seu assentimento. O poder constituinte, ao estruturar o estado, garante que o processo de formação da vontade e da opinião pública se estabilize e o consenso seja alcançado. / Constituent power, based on classical constitutional theory, is defined as raw, original, limitless and unconditional power, from which the state and, consequently, legal order are born. Such power, defined as supranational, knows no boundaries in the law and according to democratic notions it is held by the sovereign people. This thesis reexamines that theoretical conception in order to define constituent power as a communicative power which creates constitutional norm; it appears occasionally and it allows for a selection of moral, ethical-political and strategic arguments introduced by citizens in the public democratic sphere which represent a shared way of life that imposes itself politically. According to this reexamination, postulates of constituent powers material illimitation and unconditionality cannot resist to the paradigm of communicative and dialogical rationality. As the founding moment and grounds of constitutional order, constituent power must respect presupposed rights which guarantee individual autonomy and institutionalize discursive procedures which enable the reproduction of legitimate law. Understood as an extraordinary process in which interests and values remain latent in society, exercise of constituent power represents a unique moment to analyze the normative grounds discourse, the core issue of this thesis. Combining normative grounds and political legitimacy, in the terms of the democratic theory introduced by Jürgen Habermas, the conclusion is that the essence of legitimacy of democratically-organized state orders is the institutionalization of a legal order based discursively through a process of public deliberation, where all individuals potentially affected by the norm may express their consent. By structuring the state, constituting power ensures that the public will and opinion formation process will become stable and consensus will be reached.

This thesis aims at critically examining the specific place of the &quot / critical&quot / and &quot / radical&quot / theories within both the theory of public administration and political theory, particularly in terms of the discursive participatory framework they offer. The fundamental question dealt with is whether or not the power and dependence analyses of these approaches (which are treated as &#039 / marginal&#039 / in the field) is convincing for an egalitarian, comprehensive and socially transformative democratic governance. Since a discussion of this sort essentially problematizes the reduction of political equality to a proceduralist and abstract philosophical equality, not to commit a similar fallacy of &quot / apriorism&quot / , the study incorporates the observations on LA-21 Turkey processes as a local governance program, in terms of a concrete contribution to theoretical discussion. In the light of direct observations, interviews and data obtained from secondary resources regarding the participatory practices, the level of organization and current capacity of political representation are inferred to be also decisive on the capacity to participate, owing this decisiveness substantially to the economic and social resources in the real social formation, hence the conditions of production of local knowledge are consequently identified as far from reflecting a democratic environment purified from power relations. Highlighting the risk for the notion of self-governance to gain a hegemonic functionality for bourgeoisie democracy concealing and perpetuating social inequalities, the thesis argues for shifting the inquire for the dominant class, from solely political-administrative sphere to civil society, and the maintainable and reproductive conditions and mechanisms of dominance between these two spheres.

Karl Marx's relationship to republicanism proceeds in three stages: he began his political career as a republican, he subsequently transitioned to communism, and then he finally reconciled his republicanism and communism. Marx's early political writings reveal his commitment to central republican ideas, including popular sovereignty, widespread political participation and universal suffrage. These commitments led him to reject absolute and constitutional monarchy. But they also led to a critique of the modern republic, which Marx argued gave insufficient space for citizens to participate publicly for the common good. He thus gives a republican critique of the republic. Marx's disillusionment with the ability of a modern republic to deliver human emancipation eventually led him to transition to communism. He now argued that the republic would be a bourgeois republic, which would subject the proletariat to the capitalist. He attacked republicans for neglecting social depredation in favour of political reform. However, his transition to communism also carried with it several republican commitments. Unlike the many apolitical versions of communism at the time, Marx insisted that the workers had to establish the republic before communism could emerge. He also extended key republican political ideas, including the objection to arbitrary power, to the social sphere. But what was absent was an account of a more participatory and accountable political alternative to the modern republic. However, the experience of ordinary workers carrying out the legislative and public administration of Paris during the Commune, led Marx to return to many of those early republican themes. He celebrated ordinary citizens' capacity for self-government and advocated popular control over the state and transforming representative democracy into popular delegacy. He came to realise that these political structures were essential to achieving the social goals of communism. He thus came to a synthesis of his early republicanism and later communism.

A legitimidade na instituição das normas jurídicas e a racionalidade de sua aplicação são elementos fundamentais para a análise de um sistema jurídico inserido em um Estado Democrático de Direito. Esses critérios possibilitam a observação das normas pelos indivíduos mesmo ausente a coercibilidade imediata. A sua verificação no âmbito do Direito Tributário, portanto, revela especial importância em razão da sua característica principal de transferir dinheiro dos particulares para o Estado. O objetivo deste estudo é verificar a possibilidade de ampliação da legitimidade e racionalidade das normas tributárias por meio da teoria procedimental da democracia. Para isso, analisa a teoria comunicativa frente o Estado Democrático de Direito, principalmente no que se refere à formação da vontade e à necessidade de autocertificação da modernidade, bem como descreve o processo de instituição e aplicação das normas tributárias no direito brasileiro, explicitando as formas pelas quais o Poder Executivo pode inseri-las no ordenamento jurídico. A partir da confrontação dos marcos teóricos estabelecidos e uma decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, analisa a racionalidade das decisões judiciais por meio da retomada do procedimento legitimador de instituição das normas jurídicas. O estudo tem como método a revisão da bibliografia relacionada ao tema, bem como a utilização do estudo de caso em capítulo específico para exemplificação do objetivo pretendido. A descrição da teoria habermasiana mostra a sua eficácia no controle dos critérios de legitimação na instituição e aplicação das normas jurídicas, por meio do controle argumentativo, fundado na teoria do discurso. / The legitimacy of the institution of legal rules and the rationality of its implementation are fundamental to the analysis of a legal system inserted in a democratic rule of law. These criteria allow the observation of the rules by the citizens even without an immediate coercivity. This check about the tax law, therefore, reveals special importance because of its main feature to transfer money from the private to the State. The aim of this study is to verify the possibility of expanding the legitimacy and rationality of tax rules through procedural theory of democracy. For this, it analyzes the communicative theory in the democratic rule of law, especially as regards the training of the will and the need for self-certification of modernity, as well as describes the establishment and application process of tax rules in Brazilian law, explicit forms by which the executive branch can enter them in the legal system. From the comparison of the established theoretical frameworks and a decision of the Supreme Court, analyzes the rationality of judicial decisions through the recovery of legitimating procedure institution of legal rules. The study uses the method of the literature review related to the theme, and the use of case study in a specific chapter for exemplification of the intended goal. The description of Habermas\' theory shows its effectiveness in controlling the legitimacy of criteria in the institution and application of legal rules, through reasoning control, based on the theory of discourse.

The aim of this essay is to explore the lived citizenship and its ideal. First, the form and expression of citizenship practice and ideal is explored through a qualitative interwiev study of ten citizens in the southern suburbs of Stockholm. The perception and expectations of the nature of citizenship, presented by the informants, is then compared to their citizen ideal, as well as to the ideal presented and promoted by the Swedish government. The point of departure is theory of democracy. The essay calls attention to an observed lack of empirical studies in the field of deliberative theory of democracy as well as studies that more broadly bring the theory down to empirical earth. The method used here strives towards combining and interacting the theoretical and academic debate with empirical data of citizen experience. The result shows that the informants’ perceptions of their citizenship is largely liberal, though with participatory features. The citizenship ideal is closer to, but not in tune with, the more active and participatory democracy promoted by the Swedish government. The deliberative ideas, which have had a big influence on recent democracy projects in Sweden and generally, are not found to be supported by the informants.