Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The essence of this study is about structural change and how it is affected by competing social forces. My primary aim is to examine the problems and contradictions in Mozambique‟s development strategy and to gain an understanding of how these problems are influenced by the structure of the contemporary world order. A central focus will be on how social forces at various levels influence the way in which development strategy is formed through superior material capabilities, shaping ideas and establishing institutions. The main argument is that the hegemonic neoliberalist ideology has been perpetuated in Mozambique by external social forces and has become the mainstay of the development approach in the country. By acknowledging that theory is used by different social groups for various purposes, I depart from the common assumption of considering the Mozambican development example as a success, and rather ask „for whom it has been a success‟. The theoretical approach in this study is based on Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) and a significant proportion is dedicated to evaluate Cox‟s works and how he applies his theoretical framework in the analysis of the changing world order. To get a better appreciation for the strengths and weaknesses of CCT, the study will also examine the works of several scholars that use CCT in their studies of social forces in Southern Africa. The case study will be guided by the findings generated by the theoretical evaluation, particularly with regards to the way CCT allows for various points on entry in the analysis. The case study of Mozambique generated three main conclusions. Firstly, that Frelimo has failed to create a broad based consensus for its ideology among different social forces in Mozambique and that the historic bloc in Mozambique remains fragile. Secondly, that the economic elite in South Africa and the ANC collaborated with Frelimo in structuring the development strategy in Mozambique, and through this collaboration, perpetuated values consistent with the hegemonic neoliberal consensus. Finally, that the prevailing order in Mozambique is strengthened by the involvement of the international community and that structural change is unlikely to take place without the development of a stronger civil society. The theoretical contribution of the study has been to further support that the logic provided by CCT remains valid in the African context, and that it is highly compatible with other social theories. Furthermore, the study concludes that CCT is particularly compatible with post-colonial theory and social psychology and can be used to address the shortcomings of each other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale punt van die studie is strukturele verandering en hoe dit beïnvloed word deur mededingende sosiale kragte. Die primêre doel van die tesis is om die probleme en teenstrydighede in Mosambiek se ontwikkelingstrategie te ondersoek en om te verstaan hoe hierdie probleme verband hou met die struktuur van die teenswoordige wêreld-orde. ‟n Belangrike fokus is ook hoe sosiale kragte op verskeie vlakke die wyse waarop ontwikkelingstrategie gevorm word beïnvloed, via besondere materiële vermoeëns, die vorm van idees en die skep van instellings. Die hoof argument is dat „n hegemoniese neoliberale ideologie perpetueer is in Mosambiek deur eksterne sosiale kragte en dat dit sodoende die bakermat van dié land se benadering tot ontwikkeling geword het. Deur te erken dat teorie deur verskillende sosiale groepe vir uiteenlopende redes gebruik word, beweeg ek weg van die algemene aanname, naamlik dat ontwikkeling in Mosambiek as suksesvol beskou kan word. Die vraag moet eerder gestel word, “vir wie is ontwikkeling in Mosambiek „n sukses?” Die teoretiese benadering in hierdie studie is gegrond op Coxiaanse Kritiese Teorie (CKT) en „n betekenisvolle proporosie van die studie word gewy aan „n evaluering van Cox se benadering en hoe hy dit toepas in „n analise van die veranderende wêreld-orde. Ten einde „n beter waardering daar te stel vir die voor- en nadele van CKT, ondersoek die studie ook die bydraes van „n aantal ander geleerdes wat die benadering gebruik in hul bestudering van sosiale kragte in Suider-Afrika. Die gevalle-studie word gerig deur die bevindinge wat gegenereer word deur hierdie teoretiese evaluering, in die besonder met betrekking tot die manier waarop CKT die gebruik van verskillende invalshoeke tot die analise fasiliteer. Die Mosambiekse gevalle-studie lewer drie hoof-gevolgtrekkings op. Eerstens, dat FRELIMO nie daarin geslaag het, om „n breë konsensus vir sy ideologiese uitgangspunte onder die verskillende sosiale kragte in die land te skep nie. Derhalwe, is die „historiese blok‟ in Mosambiek kwesbaar. Tweedens, dat die ekonomiesse elite in Suid-Afrika en binne die African National Congress (ANC) vi saamgewerk het met FRELIMO om die ontwikkelingstrategie in Mosambiek te struktureer. In daardie opsig, is waardes perpetueer wat saamhang met die hegemoniese neoliberale konsensus. Laatstens, dat die heersende orde in Mosambiek versterk word deur die betrokkenheid van die internasionale gemeenskap en dat strukturele verandering in dié land onwaarskynlik is sonder die ontwikkeling van „n sterker burgerlike samelewing. Die teoretiese bydrae van die studie ondersteun verder die premis dat CKT geldig bly binne die konteks van Afrika en dat dit versoenbaar is met ander sosiale teorieë. Verder, word die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat CKT ook besonder versoenbaar is met post-koloniale teorie en sosiale sielkunde en dat dit gebruik kan word om die tekortkominge in elkeen aan te spreek.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of the South African government‘s response toward Zimbabwean immigration, focusing on the period from 2000 to July 2009. The aim is to shed light on why the government has acted in the manner that it has, using a human security framework. South Africa‘s legal obligations under international, regional, and domestic law are investigated and the ethical debate concerning issues of entrance and borders is explored. Concepts of morality, universality, and human dignity are central to this discussion. Against this backdrop, the Zimbabwean migration is briefly analysed in terms of push and pull factors and numbers; and the legal debate concerning the classification of Zimbabweans is explored. The challenges Zimbabweans face in South Africa and how the government has dealt with the Zimbabwean immigration is covered. Key actors from civil society and government are interviewed in an attempt to engage opinions about the government‘s response. The main opinions as to why the government has responded in the manner it has are then discussed and other factors are considered. Issues of solidarity, land reform, and South Africa‘s involvement in the Zimbabwean mediation process are some of the factors considered. The conclusion of this study is that the South African government has not succeeded in meeting its legal obligations nor acted ethically concerning Zimbabwean immigrants. The particular sentiments of ex-president Thabo Mbeki, the solidarity amongst national liberation movements, regional considerations, and the capitalist interests of some South Africans are factors that carry the most weight in explaining the South African government‘s response to the Zimbabwean crisis and its subsequent migrants. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n studie van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die immigrasie van Zimbabwiërs na Suid-Afrika, met die klem op die tydperk tussen 2000 en Julie 2009. Die doel is om lig te werp op die regering se optrede in dié tydperk aan die hand van 'n menslike veiligheidsnetwerk. Suid-Afrika se regsverpligtinge onder internasionale, streek- en plaaslike reg, sowel as die etiese debat rakende kwessies soos die binnekoms van immigrante en grense, word ondersoek. Konsepte van moraliteit, universaliteit en menslike waardigheid , staan sentraal tot hierdie bespreking. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die Zimbabwiese migrasie kortliks ontleed in terme van die stukrag-en-trefkrag faktore en getalle; en word die regsdebat oor die klassifisering van Zimbabwiërs onder die loep geneem. Die uitdagings wat Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar en hoe die regering Zimbabiese immigrasie hanteer het, word bekyk. Onderhoude is gevoer met sleutelspelers in die burgerlike samelewing en die regering in ‗n poging om agter die kap van die byl te kom met betrekking tot die regering se reaksie op Zimbabwiese immigrasie. Die belangrikste standpunte ten opsigte van die regering se optrede word dan bespreek in die lig van faktore soos solidariteit, grondhervorming, en Suid-Afrika se betrokkenheid by die Zimbabwiese mediasieproses. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie daarin geslaag het om sy regsverpligtinge na te kom nie, en nie eties korrek opgetree het nie met betrekking tot Zimbabwiese immigrante. Die sentimente van oudpres. Thabo Mbeki, die solidariteit onder die nasionale bevrydingsbewegings, en die kapitalistiese belange van sekere Suid-Afrikaners, is van die belangrikste faktore aan die hand waarvan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die Zimbabwiese immigrasie-krisis verklaar word.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die vraag wat in hierdie tesis aangespreek word, is hoe genderrolle in die samelewing geskep word. Die rol van die huwelik as sosiale instelling word in diepte bespreek en die funksionaliteit van die instelling word bevraagteken. Genderrolle in die samelewing word deur sosialiseringsagente gekonstrueer. Die sosialiseringsagente sal in hierdie tesis onder die loep geneem word en van nader beskou word. Die studie wou die tendens navors dat die samelewing tans as meer liberaal en nie-tradisioneel gesien word. Dit wil egter voorkom of hierdie skuif nie werklik in alle instellings plaasgevind het nie. Tradisionele waardes blyk steeds onderliggend aan sommige instellings in die samelewing te wees en ten grondslag te lê aan talle instellings. Die data vir hierdie studie is deur middel van kwantitatiewe asook kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodes verkry. Fokusgroepe is gebruik aangesien dit as die basis vir die vraelys en navorsing sou dien. Die vraelys sou dien om óf navorsing wat reeds bestaan te bevraagteken, óf om navorsing te bevestig. Vraelyste is of deur middel van ʼn ontmoeting aan respondente oorhandig of aan respondente wat deur middel van die ‘sneeubal’ effek verkry is, ge-e-pos. Die kriteria wat gebruik is vir die proefgroep was blanke Afrikaanssprekende Christelike studente aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Hierdie spesifieke groep is gekies aangesien hulle steeds as tradisioneel gesien kan word in teenstelling met studente wat in die algemeen as liberaal en vrydenkend gestereotipeer word. Die botsing van waardes is veral met die fokus op godsdiens ondersoek, en die impak van godsdiens op die huwelik is bestudeer. Die voltooide vraelyste is statisties verwerk deur gebruik te maak van STASTISTICA, ʼn elektroniese data-verwerkingsprogram. In hierdie tesis het sewe breë temas uit die vraelyste na vore gekom. Eerstens word die huwelik en die nukleêre gesin as belangrike asook noodsaaklike instellings in die samelewing gesien. Tweedens, word genderrolle in die samelewing gekonstrueer. Derdens, is geloof fundamenteel in die huwelik. Vierdens is die rol van die vrou in die huwelik om haar man te ondersteun. Die volgende tema wat beskou word, is dat Afrikaners as kultuurgroep steeds konserwatief is ten opsigte van hul keuse van ’n huweliksmaat, en dat hulle verkies om slegs vanuit hul kultuurgroep ’n huweliksmaat te kies. Sesdens beïnvloed die massamedia as sosialiseringsagent nie werklik persepsies van die huwelik nie, maar eerder seksualiteit. Laastens is ouers as sosialiseringsagente veral belangrik in terme van die rol van die vrou in ii die huwelik. Daar is slegs ten opsigte van persepsies oor seksualiteit, die huwelik asook die Afrikaner as kultuurgroep, ʼn beduidende statistiese verskil tussen manlike en vroulike respondente gevind. Uit die studie blyk dit dus dat genderrolle sosiaal deur die samelewing gekonstrueer word en dat sekere sosialiseringsagente die raamwerk bied waarin persepsies oor gender gevorm word. Die huwelik blyk steeds ʼn instelling te wees wat ʼn belangrike rol in die samelewing vervul. Die verdeling van arbeid in die huwelik blyk problematies te wees aangesien die toetrede van vroue tot die arbeidsmark, die nukleêre gesin beïnvloed en verander het. Uit die data wil dit voorkom asof ’n kontras bestaan tussen die nie-tradisonele waardes van die moderne samelewing en tradisionele idees wat steeds deur godsdiens ondersteun word. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The question addressed in this thesis is how gender roles in society are created and established. The role and function of marriage as a social institution is also discussed. Gender roles in society are socially constructed, and the socialisation agents responsible for this construction of values and norms are evaluated. The question, however, was derived from values in society that seem to adjust to more liberal and non-traditional ideas, especially regarding marriage and gender roles. However, even if perceptions are favourable toward a less traditional society, traditional ideas seem to form the basis of many social institutions. The research was conducted in both a quantitative and a qualitative manner. The reason for this is that each method fills a specific gap within research. Focus groups acted as the basis for the questionnaire and further research. The questionnaire acted as a method to either find support for or contradict existing research. Questionnaires were distributed in meetings with respondents, and respondents that emerged from the snowball method, were contacted via email. The sample consisted of white Afrikaans-speaking Christian students on Stellenbosch University campus who were chosen because of perceptions that students in general are liberal but Afrikaners as a cultural group are fairly traditional. The conflict between this group’s norms and perceptions about students in general was researched. The completed questionnaires were statistically analysed by using an electronic data analysis programme, STATISTICA. Seven broad themes emerged as the main findings in this thesis. First, marriage and the role of the nuclear family in society is a much needed social institution. Second, it became clear that gender in society is a socially constructed concept. Third, it became apparent that religion plays a major role as socialisation agent and fulfils a fundamental role within society. Fourth, the role of women in marriage was clearly seen as that of the supportive wife. Another theme indicated that that was investigated was that Afrikaners as a cultural group are still very traditional and conservative, especially with regards to whom they marry. It seems like Afrikaners still choose marriage partners from within their own cultural group. Sixth, the mass media also seem to be socialisation agents especially with regards to sexuality. Finally, parents as socialisation agents play a big role in forming perceptions, especially with regards to the role of women in society. The study also indicated that there were statistical differences between male and female respondents, but only with regards to sexuality, marriage and the Afrikaner as a cultural group. From the study one could thus argue that gender roles are socially constructed and that socialising agents provides the framework for perceptions with regards to gender. The role of marriage in society still seems very important. The division of labour in marriage seems problematic due to women’s increasing participation in the labour market. It influences the nuclear family on many levels. There appears to be a contradiction between modern society’s non-traditional values and the more traditional values regarding marriage and gender roles still supported by religion.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Based on the work of leading theorists within peace and conflict studies, this thesis develops a theoretical framework in order to analyse the seemingly deadlocked ‘peace vs. justice’ debate to explore the possibility of expanding the perspectives in a combined approach. It finds that the debate is based on a narrow perception of both concepts, where they are perceived as negotiations and punishment respectively. Only through applying such a combined approach is it thereby possible to move beyond this current situation. This theoretical framework is then applied on the case of the ongoing conflict in Northern Uganda, where the empirical aspects of this debate have lasted for the longest period of time since the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004. With basis in the Juba peace agreement from 2008 that would have balanced retributive and restorative forms of justice, this study finds that the only way to create sustainable peace is by striking a balance between the transitional justice mechanisms of the ICC, conditional amnesties and more traditional forms of justice in the affected communities in Northern Uganda. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Op grond van die werk van voorste teoretici op die gebied van vrede- en konflikstudie, ontwikkel hierdie tesis teoretiese raamwerk vir die ontleding van die oënskynlik vasgevalle debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid, ten einde die moontlike verbreding van perspektiewe met behulp van 'n gekombineerde benadering te ondersoek. Die studie bevind dat die debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid op 'n baie eng opvatting van dié twee konsepte berus, naamlik dié van onderhandeling en straf onderskeidelik. Slegs deur 'n gekombineerde benadering toe te pas, is dit dus moontlik om die huidige toedrag van sake te bowe te kom. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die studie is vervolgens op die voortslepende konflik in Noord-Uganda toegepas, waar die empiriese aspekte van dié debat steeds sedert die betrokkenheid van die Internasionale Strafhof in 2004 voorkom. Met die Juba-vredesooreenkoms van 2008 as uitgangspunt, wat veronderstel was om 'n balans te vind tussen vergeldende en herstellende vorme van geregtigheid, bevind dié studie dat volhoubare vrede slegs bereik kan word deur 'n gebalanseerde kombinasie van die Internasionale Strafhof se oorgangsgeregtigheidsmeganisme, voorwaardelike amnestie, en meer tradisionele vorme van geregtigheid in die geaffekteerde Noord-Ugandese gemeenskappe.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study analyses the impact of crime on sustainable tourism growth in the Western Cape. It investigates tourists' perceptions of crime in the province and the role of the media in creating or influencing these perceptions. This study also provides an overview of the most important government initiatives and policies that have been undertaken and implemented at local, provincial and national levels. These policies are discussed and evaluated to determine whether it has in fact brought or encouraged sustainable tourism growth in the Western Cape. A survey, with a sample size of 25 respondents was undertaken during the period of April to June 2005 and comprised 13 tour operators, eight tourism bureaus and four travel agencies, which are all based in the Western Cape. The aim of the study was to gain insight into the travel motivations and patterns of the thousands of tourists that visit the province every year and their perceptions regarding crime, from the viewpoint of these primary producers (i.e. the travel intermediaries) in the tourism production system. Crime does not only affect residents, but also has an impact on tourist behaviour and deters visitors from visiting a country, as most tourists are risk-aversive and consider such factors when deciding on a destination. Only a small number of tourists are disappointed with the crime situation when visiting the Western Cape, but the majority of tourists still regard it as a serious problem, and possible deterrent, of the province. These perceptions do have a tendency to change more positively once tourists have visited the area. Nevertheless, respondents feel obliged to warn tourists against crime or give them advice about their safety and security. The various levels of government are committed towards improving safety and security in South Africa and numerous policies and initiatives have been developed and implemented. However, most do not specifically focus on crimes against tourists. Safety and security is considered as a prerequisite for a successful tourism industry, thus both local residents and tourists should receive equal attention with regards to safety and security from the government. However, many respondents are unaware of the existence of the government's initiatives to combat crime, which raises doubts about the effectiveness of these initiatives, their implementation and their intended benefits. The government should formulate comprehensive and constructive provincial policies in order to address the potentially detrimental impacts of crime on sustainable tourism growth in the Western Cape. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie analiseer die impak van misdaad op volhoubare toerisme groei in die Wes-Kaap. Dit ondersoek toeriste se persepsies van misdaad in die provinsie en die rol van die media om hierdie persepsies te beinvloed. Die studie gee 'n oorsig oor die belangrikste regeringsinisiatiewe en -beleide wat geimplimenteer is op plaaslike, provinsiale and nasionale vlakke. Hierdie beleide word bespreek en geevalueer om vas te stel of dit daadwerklik volhoubare toerisme groei in die Wes-Kaap bewerkstellig en aanmoedig. 'n Opname met 'n steekproef van 25 respondente was onderneem gedurende April tot Junie 2005. Die steekproef sluit in 13 toer operateurs, agt toerismeburo's en vier reisagentskappe, almal gebasseer in die Wes-Kaap. Die doel van die studie was om insig te kry oor die motivering en reispatrone van die toeriste wat jaarliks die provinsie besoek, asook wat hul persepsies oor misdaad is soos waargeneem deur die primere produsente (d.w. s. reisbemiddelaars) in die toerisme produksiesisteem. Misdaad affekteer nie net inwoners nie, maar het ook 'n impak op toeriste se gedrag en kan selfs toeriste weerhou daarvan om die land te besoek, want veiligheid en sekuriteit is van die belangrikste oorwegingsfaktore wanneer daar besluit word om 'n land te besoek. Slegs 'n paar toeriste is teleurgesteld met die misdaad situasie wanneer hulle die Wes-Kaap besoek, maar die meerderheid beskou dit steeds as 'n ernstige probleem, of selfs afskrikmiddel, in die provinsie. Hierdie persepsies is geneig om te verander nadat die toeriste die area besoek het. Respondente beskou dit egter steeds as hul plig om toeriste teen misdaad te waarsku. Op verskeie vlakke van regering word daar voortdurend gestreef na veiligheid en sekuriteit in Suid-Afrika te verbeter. Verskeie regeringsbeleide en inisiatiewe is al ontwikkel en geimplimenteer, maar die meeste fokus nie spesifiek op misdaad teen toeriste nie. Veiligheid en sekuriteit word beskou as 'n voorvereiste vir 'n suksesvolle toerisme industrie, daarom moet beide inwoners en toeriste dieselfde aandag met betrekking tot veiligheid en sekuriteit van die regering ontvang. Dis egter kommerwekkend dat meeste van die respondente onbewus is van hierdie inisiatiewe om misdaad te bekamp. Die regering moet fokus daarop om 'n omvattende en konstruktiewe provinsiale beleid te formuleer om sodoende die nadelige impak van misdaad op volhoubare toerismegroei in die Wes-Kaap aan te spreek.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is an explanatory study into civil society's increased influence in global governance. More specifically this situation is examined by looking at the generic medicine debate that came in the wake of the passing of the Medicines and Related Substances Act by the South African government in 1997. This debate gained worldwide attention and touched some of the prevailing inequalities between the developed world and the developing world in our globalised society. The research question that is addressed here is to what extent did civil society influence the signing of the Doha Declaration of the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health by the members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001? In doing so, this thesis looks at the role of the US government, the South African government, the pharmaceutical industry, the WTO's TRIPS Agreement and civil society in the form of nongovernmental organisations like Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), Oxfam and Medecines Sans Frontieres (MSF). The study applies a constructivist approach in order to analyse how civil society used global advocacy networks to inform and communicate the normative concerns regarding South Africa and developing countries' lack of access to HIVand AIDS drugs. Moreover, it examines how civil society's use of moral authority challenged the regulative power of the WTO. The study concludes that civil society played a vital role in influencing the WTO member states' decision to sign the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health. However, it was not only civil society's ability to set the agenda concerning the HIV/AIDS pandemic, but also the content of the normative concerns themselves that help explain its success. Consequently, the study further concludes that civil society's success in this specific case must be seen in light of its growing influence in challenging global governance. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n verduidelikende studie van die burgerlike samelewing se groeiende invloed in globale regering. Hierdie situasie word meer spesifiek ondersoek deur te kyk na die generiese medisyne debat wat gevoer is na die Suid-Afrikaanse Regering die Medisyne en Verwante Stowwe Wet van 1997 goedgekeur het. Hierdie debat het wêreldwye aandag geniet en het geraak aan sommige van die bestaande ongelykhede wat daar heers tussen die ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende wêreld in die geglobaliseerde samelewing. Die navorsingsvraag wat hier aangespreek word is tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing die ondertekening van die Doha Verklaring van die TRIPS Ooreenkoms en Publieke Gesondheid deur lede van die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie (WHO) in 2001 beïnvloed het. Deur dit te doen, sal hierdie tesis kyk na die rol van die Amerikaanse regering, die Suid- Afrikaanse regering, die farmaseutiese bedryf, die WHO se TRIPS Ooreenkoms en die burgerlike samelewing in die vorm van nie-regerings organisasies soos die Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), Oxfam en Medecines Sans Frontieres (MSF). Die studie maak gebruik van 'n konstruktiwistiese benadering om 'n analise te doen van hoe die burgerlike samelewing globale ondersteunings netwerke gebruik het om die normatiewe besorgdhede wat heers oor die tekorte in Suid-Afrika en die ontwikkelende lande ten opsigte van toegang tot MIV en VIGS medisyne, toe te lig en te verkondig. Verder ondersoek die studie hoe die gebruik deur die burgerlike samelewing van morele gesag die regulerende mag van die WHO uitgedaag het. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die bugerlike samelewing 'n uiters belangrike rol gespeel het in die WHO lidlande se besluit om die Doha Verklaring van die TRIPS Ooreenkoms en Publieke Gesondheid te onderteken. Dit was egter nie net die burgerlike samelewing se vermoë om die agenda daar te stel ten opsigte van die MIV/VIGS pandemie nie, maar ook die inhoud van die normatiewe besorgdhede self wat bygedra het om hierdie sukses te verduidelik. Gevolglik kom die studie tot die verdere gevolgtrekking dat die burgerlike samelewing se sukses in hierdie spesifieke geval gesien kan word in die lig van sy groeiende invloed in die uitdaging van globale mag en gesag.

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 2006. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The nature of conflict in Africa has changed from the Cold War to the post-cold War era. This is evident in the internal and external factors and actors involved within the conflict dynamics. During the Cold War era politics and the quest for control of the state formed the basis for conflicts in Africa, from anti-colonial wars of independence and liberation struggles to secessionist attempts. In the post-Cold War era with the loss of external superpower support, this has changed with the growing significance of identity politics, and conflicts based on the differences of ethnicity, religion and the quest for the control of resources and land, characterised by extreme violence and the rise of actors other than the state, within failed and collapsed states. These conflicts have thus presented challenges to the United Nations (UN) in relation to its traditional means of maintaining international peace and security, and the internal dynamics of the decision-making processes, political will and accompanying resources and financial factors within the organisation. The challenges faced by the UN in Africa therefore lie not only within the nature of conflict and the nature of the African state but also within the internal constraints inherent within the organisation itself. The conflicts in Mozambique and Rwanda respectively represent how the nature of conflict has changed in Africa from the Cold War to the post-Cold War era and both illustrate the challenges the UN has faced in light of the changing nature of African conflict. While Mozambique offers an example of a typical Cold War conflict, based on the quest for control of the state and exacerbated by superpower support, Rwanda represents an example of a typical post-Cold War internal conflict based on identity politics and extreme violence manifest as genocide. By comparing and contrasting these two conflicts, and the subsequent involvement of UN peace maintenance operations in these conflicts, this thesis offers a comparative study of "old" and "new" wars in Africa in order that a better understanding of the nature of conflict in Africa can be reached and to illustrate the challenges faced by the UN in light of this changing nature of conflict. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aard van konflik in Afrika het vanaf die tydperk van die Koue Oorlog tot die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk aansienlik verander. Dit is in die innerlike en uiterlike faktore en akteurs wat by die konflik betrokke is waarneembaar. Gedurende die Koue Oorlog tydperk was interstaatlike konflik 'n hoofkenmerk. Dit was ook die fase van antikoloniale oorloë wat dikwels met eksterne steun geveg is. In die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk met die verlies van uiterlike supermoondheid ondersteuning, het interne konflik binne swak state dikwels oor die beheer van skaars hulpbronne, of oor identiteit en griewe gegaan. Die konflik het uitdagings aan die Verenigde Nasies (VN) gestel wie se vredesregime kwalik vir rebelle en kindersoldate voorsiening gemaak het. Dit het ook eise gestel aan die politieke wilskrag van lede van die Veiligheidsraad om in dergelike konflikte betrokke te raak. Die uitdaging vir die VN in Afrika lê dus nie net in die aard van konflik en die aard van die staat in Afrika wat verander het nie, maar ook in nuwe eise vir vrede. Die twee gevallestudies van die konflik in Mosambiek en Rwanda demonstreer hoe hierdie aard van konflik verander het, en hoe moeilik dit is om vrede te maak waar akteurs (rolspelers) kwalik binne konvensionele raamwerke hanteer kan word. Waar Mosambiek 'n voorbeeld van 'n tipiese Koue Oorlogse konflik was - stryd vir die beheer oor die staat en aangevuur deur supermoonhede, is Ruanda weer 'n meer eietydse voorbeeld van 'n tipiese na-Koue Oorlogse interne konflik, gebaseer op identiteitspolitiek wat met ekstreme geweld en volksmoord gepaard gegaan het. Hierdie tesis bied 'n vergelykende studie van sulke "ou" en "nuwe" oorloë in Afrika en bied moontlik 'n beter begrip van die aard en oplossing van sulke konflikte wat by uitstek nuwe uitdagings aan die tradisionele opvattings van die VN stel.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation presents aspects of the public policy process in South Africa with specific reference to water policy between 1994 and 1999. For the purposes of this research, the definition of water policy coincides with the government's definition as contained in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the Growth, Employment and Redistribution Programme (GEAR), white papers, bills and legislation. Water policy is a broad subject and is approached from a social sciences focus in this study, in that it uses the fulfilment of human needs as a point of departure. Water policy that applied before 1994 was based on water legislation of 1956, as well as some eighty different Acts that were fragmented between a number of institutions. The focus was on water rights, linked to property rights from which the majority of South Africans were excluded. In the implementation of policy attention was mainly paid to engineering achievements. The acknowledgement that water resources are limited in South Africa, as well as in the rest of the world, and the increasing demands on these sources, focused the attention anew on responsible water policy. Since South Africa's transition to an inclusive political democracy in 1994, a variety of far-reaching changes took place with regard to political decision-making and the public policy process. Not only did the policy-making process change, but policy goals, actors, structures and organisations also changed. It is clear that the policy agenda differs significantly from that of the period preceding 1994. In this study, the context within which policy renewal took place in South Africa since 1994, has been presented, and the policy process that new water legislation was subjected to, is described. The role of policy actors and communities - in line with the principles of the Constitution of 1996 that encourage public participation in the democracy - is considered. The implementation of the new water policy could unfortunately not be evaluated as it has only been promulgated a year ago. This study serves as an introduction to a research area which has received little attention thus far and that has potential for further research. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word aspekte van die openbare beleidproses in Suid-Afrika ondersoek met spesiale verwysing na waterbeleid tussen 1994 en 1999. Waterbeleid is vir die doeleindes van hierdie studie omskryf soos in die regering se HOP, GEAR, witskrifte, wetsontwerpe en wetgewing. Waterbeleid is 'n breë onderwerp wat in hierdie studie vanuit 'n sosiaal wetenskaplike hoek benader is, naamlik dat daar aan basiese menslike behoeftes voldoen moet word. Die waterbeleid wat voor 1994 gegeld het, was gebaseer op die Waterwet van 1956, asook wetgewing wat oor tagtig wette versprei was en deur 'n aantal instellings gefragmenteer is. Die klem het geval op waterregte, gekoppel aan eiendomsregte waarvan die grootste deel van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking uitgesluit was. Klem is ook gelê op ingenieursprestasies in die uitvoering van beleid. Die besef dat waterbronne wêreldwyd en in Suid-Afrika beperk is met toenemende aansprake wat daarop gemaak word, het opnuut die aandag op verantwoordelike waterbeleid gevestig. Sedert Suid-Afrika se oorgang na 'n inklusiewe politieke demokrasie in 1994 is verskeie verreikende veranderings ten opsigte van politieke besluitneming en die openbare beleidproses ingestel. Nie alleen het die beleidmakingsproses verander nie, maar beleidsdoelwitte, -akteurs, -strukture en -organisasies het ook verander. Kortom, die beleidagenda verskil van die periode voor 1994. In hierdie studie is die konteks van beleidvernuwing in Suid-Afrika na 1994 geskets, en die beleidproses waardeur nuwe waterwetgewing gegaan het, is beskryf. Die rol van beleidakteurs en -gemeenskappe - in lyn met die beginsels van die Grondwet van 1996 wat openbare deelneming aan die demokratiese bestel aanmoedig - is ondersoek. Die implementering van die nuwe waterbeleid kon egter nie geëvalueer word nie, aangesien dit skaars 'n jaar gelede gepromulgeer is. Hierdie studie dien as 'n inleiding tot 'n navorsingsveld wat steeds braak lê met moontlikhede vir verdere navorsing.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment seeks to explore the role of privatisation in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) to South Africa and Zambia. In doing this, literature review method based on primary and secondary documentary sources have been utilised. In order to attract FDI, the study revealed that it is necessary to get the policy environment right. Creating an investor-friendly environment which promises good return on investment in line with the international "regulatory" framework - the World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC) and Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the World Association of Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA) requirements - is therefore significantly important. The World Bank regards Zambia's privatisation programme as the model for Africa. South Africa finds itself in a contradictory position. On the one hand it is the leading economic power in Africa, while on the other hand it still lags behind in terms of restructuring its parastatals. Privatisation programme in South Africa has been very slow. However, the government and other stakeholders, particularly in 1997, have been trying to get privatisation off the ground. The conclusion is that both South Africa and Zambia succeeded in attracting FDI through their processes of privatisation. In both countries major FDI inflows have been an outcome of privatisation. FDI is important for creating employment, debt reduction, empowerment, transfer of technology and managerial skills. However, these countries follow different approaches to privatisation. Due to the slow privatisation pace in South Africa, it is recommended that South Africa learn from Zambia's approach and experience. This would enable South Africa to fully explore some of the benefits of privatisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie opdrag ondersoek die rol van privatisering in die trek van direkte buitelandse beleggings (DBB) in Suid-Afrika en Zambie. Ten einde hierdie doelstelling te kon bereik is 'n literere oorsig van primere en sekondere bronne gedoen. Hierdie studie het bevind dat 'n gunstige beleidsomgewing DBB sal trek. Die skep van 'n beleggings-vriendelike omgewing wat goeie dividende beloof en in Iyn is met die internasionale "regulerende" raamwerk - die Wereldbank se International Finance Corporation (IFC), Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) en World Association of Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA) - se vereistes is van kardinale belang. Die Wereld Bank beskou Zambie se privatiseringsprogram as die model program vir Afrika. Suid-Afrika bevind haarself in 'n teenstrydige posisie. Aan die een kant is sy Afrika se voorste ekonomiese moondheid, en aan die anderkant is die programme om haar staatsondernemings te herstruktureer nog in hul kinderskoene. Privatiseringsprogramme in Suid Afrika het tot dusver baie stadig verloop. In 1997 het die regering en ander belanghebbende partye egter privatisering van die grond af probeer kry. Die konklusie is dat beide Suid-Afrika en Zambie daarin geslaag het om DBB te lok met hul privatiseringsprogramme. In beide lande was groot DBB die uitkoms van privatisering. DBB is belangrik om werk te skep, skuld vereffening, bemagtiging, en die oordrag van tegnologie en bestuursvaardighede. Hierdie lande volg egter verskillende benaderings tot die privatiseringsproses. Vanwee die stadige privatiseringsproses in Suid Afrika word die voorstel gemaak dat Suid-Afrika by Zambie leer in hul benadering en ervaring. Dit sal Suid-Afrika toelaat om al die voordele van privatisering te ontdek.