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L’objet de ce travail est une réinterprétation de l’histoire des premiers contacts entre le nouveau gouvernement communiste chinois, le gouvernement tibétain et la population tibétaine, ainsi que de l’introduction progressive de l’idéologie léniniste sur le plateau tibétain, en exploitant pour cela des sources principalement officielles, parfois officieuses, publiées en RPC, et pour l’essentiel non encore utilisées à ce jour. Cette étude montre qu’il est souvent impossible de séparer tant la politique du nouveau gouvernement chinois dans le Tibet du Dalaï-lama et dans les autres régions de culture tibétaine, qu’également la réaction des populations locales dans les différents terrains du monde tibétain. Seront entre autre étudiés les motivations derrière la volonté des responsables de la RPC d’occuper le plus rapidement possible le Tibet, les innombrables difficultés liées à cette tentative, le fait qu’il sera matériellement impossible à l’APL, à la veille de la bataille de Chamdo, en octobre 1950, d’avancer plus avant en territoire tibétain, et comment Mao Zedong va réussir à transformer une déconvenue militaire en une victoire politique. Sera également analysé la politique en 1949-1951 du PCC dans les autres régions tibétaines, en quoi cette politique a pu être différente d’une région à l’autre, mais en quoi il pourrait quand même y avoir, dans cette diversité, une vision globale idéologique. Comment la victoire (incomplète) de l’APL à Chamdo aura été obtenue in extremis, l’état major de la 18e armée, comme les dirigeants de la RPC, ayant des doutes réels sur cette victoire jusqu’à la fin. Comment les responsables de la RPC, bien qu’à l’origine en position de faiblesse, vont réussir non seulement à empêcher le Dalaï-lama de partir à l’étranger, mais même à obtenir qu’une délégation soit envoyée à Pékin pour « négocier ». L’utilisation de documents chinois inédits va permettre également d’apporter des éléments nouveaux sur le déroulement des « négociations » aboutissant à l’ « Accord en 17 points ». Le dernier acte, se traduira par l’arrivée, extrêmement difficile, des premiers détachements des forces de l’APL à Lhassa et comment la capitulation du gouvernement tibétain a pu être obtenue. / The object of this study is a reinterpretation of the history of the first contacts between the new Chinese Communist government, the Tibetan government and the Tibetan population, as well as the gradual introduction of Leninist ideology on the Tibetan plateau, using for that official or sometimes semi-official sources published in the PRC, most of them not used until now. This study shows that it is often impossible to separate the politics of the new Chinese government in Tibet of the Dalai Lama and the politics of the Chinese government in other regions of Tibetan culture, as well as the reaction of local populations in the different areas of the Tibetan world. This study for example analyses the motivations behind the willingness of the leaders of the PRC to occupy Tibet as quickly as possible, the countless difficulties associated with this attempt, the fact that it will be physically impossible for the PLA, on the eve of the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950, to advance further into Tibetan territory, and how Mao will succeed in transforming a military failure into a political victory. It will also analyze the policy of the CCP in 1949-1951 in the other Tibetan regions, how this policy may have been different from one region to another, but how could there be in this diversity a global ideological vision. How the (incomplete) victory of the PLA in Chamdo was obtained in extremis, the staff of the 18th Army, like the leaders of the PRC, having real doubts about this victory until the end. How the leaders of the PRC, although originally in a weak position, will succeed not only in preventing the Dalai Lama from going abroad, but even obtain that a delegation will be sent to Beijing to " to negotiate ". The use of unpublished Chinese documents will also bring new elements on course of the "negotiations" leading to the "17-point Agreement". The final act will result in the extremely difficult arrival of the first detachments of PLA forces in Lhasa and how the capitulation of the Tibetan government will be obtained.

Bzhad pa'i rdo rje (1697-1740), the Fifth Sle lung Rin po che, was a religiously and politically controversial figure and an incredibly prolific author, having written or compiled over 46 volumes worth of mainly religious texts. A high-ranking Dge lugs pa sprul sku, Sle lung is seen as having gradually "defected" to the Rnying ma school, although he self-identified as a follower of the "non-sectarian" (ris med) perspective. Sle lung also acted as a spiritual advisor to most of the major central Tibetan rulers during the course of his life, most significantly Mi dbang Pho lha nas (r. 1729-1747). But despite numerous features of fascinating interest, Sle lung and his writings have received very little scholarly attention, and this thesis is intended to fill this unfortunate lacuna. The present study begins with an extended biographical examination of Sle lung's life, and the political and religious unrest in central Tibet at the time in which he was deeply invested. I pay special attention to the controversies that surrounded him, particularly his purported sexual licentiousness and his ecumenical work which was unpopular among his more sectarian Dge lugs pa critics. This opening biography provides critical historical context as I move on to examine two of Sle lung's most important literary works. The first is the sixteen-volume Gsang ba ye shes chos skor, a massive cycle of teachings by Sle lung and his students that integrates tantric theories derived from Sle lung's experience with Gsar ma (specifically Dge lugs pa) teachings. The second work is the Bstan srung rgya mtsho'i rnam thar, a unique text in Tibetan literature which consists of an apparently unprecedented compilation of Tibetan Buddhist protector deity (bstan srung, chos skyong) origin myths. I will make sense of key features of these two works within the larger context of Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, as well as the political and personal concerns of Sle lung himself.

"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

<p>This thesis in social anthropology is based on a field study on the Internet exploring Tibetan identity. With a post-modern approach the thesis explores the possibility fora non-tibetan to create a Tibetan Internet identity and become a part of the Tibetan community that exist on the Internet.</p> / <p>Denna uppsats i socialantropologi är baserad på ett fältarbete av tibetansk identitet på Internet. Med en postmodern ansats på identitetsbegreppet utforskar uppsatsen möjligheten för en icke-tibetan att skapa en tibetansk Internet-identitet och på detta sätt ta del av den tibetanska gemenskap som finns på Internet.</p>

This thesis in social anthropology is based on a field study on the Internet exploring Tibetan identity. With a post-modern approach the thesis explores the possibility fora non-tibetan to create a Tibetan Internet identity and become a part of the Tibetan community that exist on the Internet. / Denna uppsats i socialantropologi är baserad på ett fältarbete av tibetansk identitet på Internet. Med en postmodern ansats på identitetsbegreppet utforskar uppsatsen möjligheten för en icke-tibetan att skapa en tibetansk Internet-identitet och på detta sätt ta del av den tibetanska gemenskap som finns på Internet.

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<p>Uppsatsen handlar om hur tibetaner använder sig av Internet i strävan efter en nationell identitet och i kampen för ett fritt Tibet. Med information från fyra tibetaner analyseras olika webbplatser kopplade till den tibetanska diasporan för att se om denna koppling finns. Med hjälp av tidigare diaspora forskning och Benedict Andersons tankar om en föreställd gemenskap görs en analys av kopplingen mellan diasporan, Internet och en föreställd gemenskap. Abstracts: This essay discuss how Tibetans use Internet in their effort to maintain a national identity and their struggle for a free Tibet. With information from four Tibetans, Internet sites connected to the Diaspora is analyzed to see if this connection exists. With help from earlier Diasporaresearch and Benedict Andersons thoughts about imagined communities the essay analyse the connection between Diaspora, Internet and imagined communities.</p>

Uppsatsen handlar om hur tibetaner använder sig av Internet i strävan efter en nationell identitet och i kampen för ett fritt Tibet. Med information från fyra tibetaner analyseras olika webbplatser kopplade till den tibetanska diasporan för att se om denna koppling finns. Med hjälp av tidigare diaspora forskning och Benedict Andersons tankar om en föreställd gemenskap görs en analys av kopplingen mellan diasporan, Internet och en föreställd gemenskap. Abstracts: This essay discuss how Tibetans use Internet in their effort to maintain a national identity and their struggle for a free Tibet. With information from four Tibetans, Internet sites connected to the Diaspora is analyzed to see if this connection exists. With help from earlier Diasporaresearch and Benedict Andersons thoughts about imagined communities the essay analyse the connection between Diaspora, Internet and imagined communities.