宋黎昀. / "2011年9月". / "2011 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 130-135). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Song Liyun. / Chapter 第一章： --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一. --- 論文之背景和目的 --- p.1 / Chapter (一). --- 背景 --- p.1 / Chapter (二). --- 研究目的 --- p.5 / Chapter 二. --- 文獻回顧 --- p.7 / Chapter (一). --- 民族性與商業 --- p.7 / Chapter (二). --- 商品化與「本真性」 --- p.13 / Chapter (三). --- 宗教與商業行為 --- p.18 / Chapter 三. --- 田野地之選擇與研究方法 --- p.23 / Chapter (一). --- 田野點的意義所在 --- p.23 / Chapter (二). --- 研究方法 --- p.25 / Chapter 四. --- 本論文之結構安排 --- p.29 / Chapter 第二章： --- 「藏族街」在成都 --- p.31 / Chapter 一. --- 成都的少數民族 --- p.31 / Chapter 二. --- 成都的藏族 --- p.32 / Chapter 三. --- 成都與藏區的地緣關係及往來淵源 --- p.33 / Chapter 四. --- 「藏族街」生意的發展歷程 --- p.40 / Chapter 五. --- 「藏族街」在成都 --- p.47 / Chapter (一). --- 成都大眾眼中的「藏族街」 --- p.49 / Chapter (二). --- 政府眼中的「敏感地帶」 --- p.50 / Chapter (三). --- 當地社區漢人對「藏族街」藏人的看法 --- p.53 / Chapter 六. --- 藏族商人之間的關係 --- p.59 / Chapter 七. --- 城市的邊緣人 --- p.60 / Chapter 八. --- 小結 --- p.63 / Chapter 第三章： --- 佛教道德觀與藏族商人的商業行為 --- p.65 / Chapter 一. --- 藏地經濟之變遷 --- p.66 / Chapter (一). --- 80年代以前的藏族社會經濟 --- p.66 / Chapter (二). --- 80年代以來市場經濟體系下的藏地經濟 --- p.69 / Chapter 二. --- 藏傳佛教藝術品買賣當中的禁忌 --- p.76 / Chapter (一). --- 對佛像生意的爭議 --- p.76 / Chapter (二). --- 其他禁忌物品 --- p.81 / Chapter 三. --- 佛教道德對商業觀念的影響 --- p.83 / Chapter 四. --- 「積德」的行為 --- p.86 / Chapter 五. --- 分析和小結 --- p.88 / Chapter 第四章： --- 何為「正宗的」藏傳佛教藝術品 --- p.91 / Chapter 一. --- 與尼泊爾的貿易網絡 --- p.91 / Chapter 二. --- 藏族商人對其產品「正宗性」的建構 --- p.99 / Chapter (一). --- 尼泊爾產品與藏地、 漢地產品的區分 --- p.100 / Chapter (二). --- 藏式風格與漢式風格的區分 --- p.102 / Chapter (三). --- 宗教用品與旅遊紀念品的區分 --- p.104 / Chapter 三. --- 有區分的本真性概念 --- p.114 / Chapter 四. --- 小結 --- p.120 / Chapter 第五章： --- 結論 --- p.121 / Chapter 一、 --- 族群性與商業之間的關係 --- p.121 / Chapter 二、 --- 商品化和「本真性」的建構 --- p.125 / Chapter 三、 --- 宗教對商業行為的影響 --- p.127 / 參考文獻 --- p.130

<p>Detta arbete bygger på en studieresa, under en månads tid, till Indien, Dharamsala. Dharamsa-la är känd för att inhysa den tibetanska statens exilregering och inte minst den tibetanska bud-dismens andlige ledare Dalai Lama. Därav är Dharamsala en viktig tillflyktsort för de tibe-tanska flyktingar som undkommit den Kinesiska regeringens förtryck i Tibet.</p><p>Syftet med denna studie blir därför, att få mer insikt och kunskap om hur man idag i Dha-ramsala bemöter tibetanska flyktingbarn från Tibet.</p><p>Jag fick äran, att möta 8 av de människor som dagligen möter och arbetar med tibetanska flyktingbarn på ett eller annat sätt.</p><p>I undersökningen har jag dels använt mig av kvalitativa intervjuer och dels av observatio-ner. Genom dessa metoder framgår det, att tibetanska flyktingbarn blir bemötta på ett kärleks-fullt och respektfullt sätt. Detta för, att de skall få ett värdigt liv i frihet samt en gedigen ut-bildning.</p><p>Tibetanernas omtanke och kärlek till sin nästa generation motiverar barnen, i Dharamsala, att vilja studera, för att senare i livet ska kunna hjälpa andra tibetaner i nöd, vilka fortfarande är under den Kinesiska regeringens våld i Tibet.</p> / <p>This paper is a result of a one month field study Dharamsala in India. Dharamsala is well-known for harbouring the exile Tibetan government and also their religious leader in Tibetan Buddhism, Dalai Lama. Because of this Dharamsala is an important sanctuary fore Tibetan refugees who are escaping from the Chinese government’s oppression in Tibet.</p><p>The purpose of this study is therefore to get a better insight and knowledge how people today in Dharamsala receive Tibetan refugee children from Tibet.</p><p>I got the privilege to meet 8 of the people who, in one way or another, daily meet and work with Tibetan refugee children.</p><p>In this study I have used the methods qualitative interview and observation. Through these methods it’s clear that, Tibetan refugee children are received with love and respect in Dhar-amsala. In this way the Tibetan refugee children got a worthy life in freedom and a proper education.</p><p>The love and compassion from the Tibetan people in Dharamsala, to their next generation, motivate these children to study hard so that they later in life can help other Tibetans who still live under the Chinese government’s oppression in Tibet.</p>

Masteropgave. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Detta arbete bygger på en studieresa, under en månads tid, till Indien, Dharamsala. Dharamsa-la är känd för att inhysa den tibetanska statens exilregering och inte minst den tibetanska bud-dismens andlige ledare Dalai Lama. Därav är Dharamsala en viktig tillflyktsort för de tibe-tanska flyktingar som undkommit den Kinesiska regeringens förtryck i Tibet. Syftet med denna studie blir därför, att få mer insikt och kunskap om hur man idag i Dha-ramsala bemöter tibetanska flyktingbarn från Tibet. Jag fick äran, att möta 8 av de människor som dagligen möter och arbetar med tibetanska flyktingbarn på ett eller annat sätt. I undersökningen har jag dels använt mig av kvalitativa intervjuer och dels av observatio-ner. Genom dessa metoder framgår det, att tibetanska flyktingbarn blir bemötta på ett kärleks-fullt och respektfullt sätt. Detta för, att de skall få ett värdigt liv i frihet samt en gedigen ut-bildning. Tibetanernas omtanke och kärlek till sin nästa generation motiverar barnen, i Dharamsala, att vilja studera, för att senare i livet ska kunna hjälpa andra tibetaner i nöd, vilka fortfarande är under den Kinesiska regeringens våld i Tibet. / This paper is a result of a one month field study Dharamsala in India. Dharamsala is well-known for harbouring the exile Tibetan government and also their religious leader in Tibetan Buddhism, Dalai Lama. Because of this Dharamsala is an important sanctuary fore Tibetan refugees who are escaping from the Chinese government’s oppression in Tibet. The purpose of this study is therefore to get a better insight and knowledge how people today in Dharamsala receive Tibetan refugee children from Tibet. I got the privilege to meet 8 of the people who, in one way or another, daily meet and work with Tibetan refugee children. In this study I have used the methods qualitative interview and observation. Through these methods it’s clear that, Tibetan refugee children are received with love and respect in Dhar-amsala. In this way the Tibetan refugee children got a worthy life in freedom and a proper education. The love and compassion from the Tibetan people in Dharamsala, to their next generation, motivate these children to study hard so that they later in life can help other Tibetans who still live under the Chinese government’s oppression in Tibet.

In 2000, Tim Ingold argued: 'people do not import their ideas, plans or mental representations into the world, since that very world ... is the homeland of their thoughts. Only because they already dwell therein can they think the thoughts they do' (2000: 186). He thus stressed the importance of place in the construction and reproduction of culture. How does this play out, however, among refugees who by virtue of their displacement must 'import' cultural concepts into alien environments? For those outside a 'homeland' how do they make sense of the world? In this thesis I examine the relationship between Tibetan refugees, the landscapes of their exile and their wider material environment. Drawing on theory in material anthropology and thirteen months' ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two contrasting Tibetan refugee settlements in northwest India, I analyse how Tibetan refugees are affected by, and in turn exert agency over their material world. Through this discussion, I reflect on the multiple and mutable meanings of home for Tibetan refugees, many of whom were born and/or raised in India. Few scholarly discussions of home encompass both its affective and imaginary dimensions; this thesis achieves this by focusing on the material and aesthetic aspects of home. Through this lens, I explore how refugees both work hard to develop a sense of home in exile, yet simultaneously destabilise this by orienting themselves towards an imagined home in a future 'free Tibet'. The discussion unfolds thematically, through chapters focusing on several material categories: landscape, the built environment, dress and objects. I develop my analysis via existing theoretical literature in material anthropology and its sub-disciplines, transnational and migration studies, and area-specialist literature in Tibetology.

No description available.

This project focusses on the historic border region of the Himalayas as a central space for negotiations of power and identity in British South Asia. It particularly focusses on the standardization of mapping and surveying practices as socio-technological discourses through the 1840s to the 1920s that lead to the transformation of trans-Himalayan and Tibetan land into British territory that could be invaded, settled, and controlled. With a unique focus on subaltern agents moving through and past the Himalayas, this project writes a history of the transformation of the imaginary of the mountains, from a spatial feature that connected vibrant pre-colonial geographies to a natural resource object and a political border that delineated the limits of imperial territory. While previous scholarship has tended to examine the history of the Tibeto-Himalayan borderlands in the context of its importance to the British Indian, Indian, or Chinese nation-building practices, this project foregrounds the importance of trans-Himalayan connections and exchanges in examining the structural transformation of a region where historical forces simultaneously undermined the power of the British Indian state while reflecting the hegemony of its imperial project. Additionally, this project explores the tensions between the construction of “universal” discourses of empirical scientific practice in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which claimed to orient the practices of geography, cartography and ethnography, and the constraints of the British imperial system predicated on the same coercive technologies to identify territory. The epistemic regime governing the production of geo-knowledge about Tibet and the Himalayas rose out of a series of contestations between the appropriation and rejection of local and indigenous knowledge, networks, and actors. Tracing a near hundred-year arc, I locate geography as a unique facet of colonial modernity that dictated imperial logics of developmentalism at the frontiers of the British empire, thereby demonstrating the birth of modern geography as mired in haphazard expeditions, rather than proceeding from well-defined scientific theory and protocols. This dissertation concentrates on three main aspects to revisit the history of construction of the geo-knowledge of the Tibeto-Himalayan borderlands by focusing on situated actors and connections: the epistemological contributions of native Indian, Tibetan, and Chinese surveyors in the employ of the Survey of India, the mobilization of labor for trans-Himalayan military and surveying expeditions, and the interactions between imperial knowledge productions and “indigenous” modes of spatial thinking as related in Tibetan revelatory guidebooks detailing the space of the Himalayas. Each of these aspects was critical in the re-constitution of the Himalayan mountains as a spatial unit that divided rather than connected political communities on either side.

Communitarianism and harmony ideology have their proponents and critics, particularly as viewed through the lens of conciliation-based dispute resolution. Both features being prominent in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, I hypothesized that the strengths and weaknesses of these orientations could be assessed through the rationale behind the norms of social control operative in the community, and the efficiency and effectiveness of those norms in terms of voluntary compliance. I found that the informal Tibetan mechanisms for dispute resolution were effective and efficient in supporting Indian systems of law enforcement, while allowing a ritualistic affirmation of community. Contrary to proponents of legal centralism and court justice, I found that liberalist values underpinning litigative process were disruptive of social expectations, and had the potential to exacerbate rather than relieve social tensions. The harmony norms that predispose pro-social behavior within Tibetan settlements failed to protect the interests of community members, however, when the challenge came from local Indian groups operating on the basis of their own standards of particularistic allegiance. Legal ethnography best describes the methodology used for this research. Fieldwork drew on: 1) Interviews with twelve settlement officers whose mandate specifically includes mediation of disputes; 2) In-depth interviews with two disputants fighting cases before the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission; and 3) Interviews with over 70 informants (including senior and mid-level exile government officials and settlement residents), together with archival material, to situate findings and verify interpretations. This research contributes a unique non-Western body of data in support of Law and Society scholars, such as Amitai Etzioni and Phillip Selznick, who have argued for devolution of law-like responsibilities to local levels where internalized norms are an everyday means of social control. It also argues against the pejorative interpretation of harmony ideology as depicted by legal centralists such as Laura Nader. By reframing harmony as a function of norm rationale, efficiency and effectiveness, the research offers new variables for assessing the costs and benefits of community. Finally, the Tibetan case studies provide an important comparative for cosmopolitan states that are debating how to accommodate diversity and legal pluralism.

Communitarianism and harmony ideology have their proponents and critics, particularly as viewed through the lens of conciliation-based dispute resolution. Both features being prominent in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, I hypothesized that the strengths and weaknesses of these orientations could be assessed through the rationale behind the norms of social control operative in the community, and the efficiency and effectiveness of those norms in terms of voluntary compliance. I found that the informal Tibetan mechanisms for dispute resolution were effective and efficient in supporting Indian systems of law enforcement, while allowing a ritualistic affirmation of community. Contrary to proponents of legal centralism and court justice, I found that liberalist values underpinning litigative process were disruptive of social expectations, and had the potential to exacerbate rather than relieve social tensions. The harmony norms that predispose pro-social behavior within Tibetan settlements failed to protect the interests of community members, however, when the challenge came from local Indian groups operating on the basis of their own standards of particularistic allegiance. Legal ethnography best describes the methodology used for this research. Fieldwork drew on: 1) Interviews with twelve settlement officers whose mandate specifically includes mediation of disputes; 2) In-depth interviews with two disputants fighting cases before the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission; and 3) Interviews with over 70 informants (including senior and mid-level exile government officials and settlement residents), together with archival material, to situate findings and verify interpretations. This research contributes a unique non-Western body of data in support of Law and Society scholars, such as Amitai Etzioni and Phillip Selznick, who have argued for devolution of law-like responsibilities to local levels where internalized norms are an everyday means of social control. It also argues against the pejorative interpretation of harmony ideology as depicted by legal centralists such as Laura Nader. By reframing harmony as a function of norm rationale, efficiency and effectiveness, the research offers new variables for assessing the costs and benefits of community. Finally, the Tibetan case studies provide an important comparative for cosmopolitan states that are debating how to accommodate diversity and legal pluralism.

Communitarianism and harmony ideology have their proponents and critics, particularly as viewed through the lens of conciliation-based dispute resolution. Both features being prominent in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, I hypothesized that the strengths and weaknesses of these orientations could be assessed through the rationale behind the norms of social control operative in the community, and the efficiency and effectiveness of those norms in terms of voluntary compliance. I found that the informal Tibetan mechanisms for dispute resolution were effective and efficient in supporting Indian systems of law enforcement, while allowing a ritualistic affirmation of community. Contrary to proponents of legal centralism and court justice, I found that liberalist values underpinning litigative process were disruptive of social expectations, and had the potential to exacerbate rather than relieve social tensions. The harmony norms that predispose pro-social behavior within Tibetan settlements failed to protect the interests of community members, however, when the challenge came from local Indian groups operating on the basis of their own standards of particularistic allegiance. Legal ethnography best describes the methodology used for this research. Fieldwork drew on: 1) Interviews with twelve settlement officers whose mandate specifically includes mediation of disputes; 2) In-depth interviews with two disputants fighting cases before the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission; and 3) Interviews with over 70 informants (including senior and mid-level exile government officials and settlement residents), together with archival material, to situate findings and verify interpretations. This research contributes a unique non-Western body of data in support of Law and Society scholars, such as Amitai Etzioni and Phillip Selznick, who have argued for devolution of law-like responsibilities to local levels where internalized norms are an everyday means of social control. It also argues against the pejorative interpretation of harmony ideology as depicted by legal centralists such as Laura Nader. By reframing harmony as a function of norm rationale, efficiency and effectiveness, the research offers new variables for assessing the costs and benefits of community. Finally, the Tibetan case studies provide an important comparative for cosmopolitan states that are debating how to accommodate diversity and legal pluralism. / Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies / Graduate