Le but de cette recherche doctorale est de mettre au jour une conception spécifique du libéralisme au XIXè siècle qui rendait possible la cohabitation des exigences libérales de respect de l’individu et de ses droits ainsi que des exigences nationales de vie en communauté et d’identité. Partant du principe que de nombreux auteurs ne considéraient pas que le concept de nationalité entrait en contradiction avec les valeurs libérales à cette époque, nous estimons qu’Alexis de Tocqueville, ainsi que John Stuart Mill, proposent la forme la plus cohérente et aboutie de réflexion en la matière, et ce à travers un libéralisme dit « d’esprit » que nous extrairons de leur pensée commune. En effet, alors qu’ils cherchent à contrecarrer les effets néfastes du matérialisme qui aurait comme principale conséquence d’abaisser l’âme des individus et de les priver de liberté, ils mettent au point une approche qui empêche la matérialisation ou la cristallisation complète des références proposées comme point de repère aux citoyens. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:33:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EHPS - Josefa Eliana Souza.pdf: 549498 bytes, checksum: 4943669ec240cca8aad854584b915d09 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-06 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this study is to understand the way Tavares Bastos dealt with Brazilian public education in the 60 s and in the beginning of the 70 s, in the XIX century, as for what he named the Brazilian public education program . It also tried to answer the following question: if and how did the author try to incorporate North-American models into the program of public education in Brazil? In order to perform such task, pamphlets the author/politician published between the years of 1861 and 1873 were examined. The analysis of such work allows identifying elements tha t are part of the program of public education aimed at by Tavares Bastos, and it emphasis that elements of the North- American models were used, mainly the one implemented by Horace Mann, and the ones presented by Aléxis Tocqueville, as an appropriate ama lgam to direct the Brazilian people towards the path of progress and civilization. By picking elements that constitute those models, Tavares Bastos built arguments in order to defend the idea of a free and universal school, mandatory education, co-education schools, and a teaching program dedicated mainly to knowledge based on practical principles that would provide the students with a kind of training that would be more adequate to the needs of workers from the fields of industry, commerce, and agriculture of that time. Therefore, the provinces should be equipped with schools whose mission would be preparing students to perform the tasks society demanded and to prepare them for democracy / Neste estudo a finalidade é compreender o modo como Tavares Bastos tratou a instrução pública brasileira, na década de 60 e início de 70 do século XIX, no que denominou de programa de instrução pública brasileira . Buscou-se também responder a seguinte questão: se e de que forma o autor procurou incorporar modelos ou referentes norteamericanos ao programa de instrução pública do Brasil? Na realização dessa tarefa foram examinados os panfletos que o autor/parlamentar publicou entre os anos de 1861 a 1873. A análise dessa produção permite identificar elementos que constituem o programa de instrução pública almejado por Tavares Bastos e afirmar que elementos de modelos norteamericanos foram mobilizados, sobretudo o implementado por Horace Mann e os apresentados por Aléxis Tocqueville, como um amálgama adequado para conduzir o povo brasileiro ao caminho do progresso e da civilização. Ao pinçar elementos que constituem esses modelos, Tavares Bastos produziu os argumentos para defender a escola gratuita e universal, o ensino obrigatório, escola mista, programa de ensino voltado, sobretudo, para o conhecimento baseado em princípios práticos e que possibilitassem ao aluno um tipo de formação mais adequada às necessidades do trabalhador da indústria, do comércio e da agricultura da época. Por isso, as províncias deveriam ser dotadas de escolas, cuja missão deveria ser preparar o aluno para exercer as tarefas que a sociedade exigia e preparar o caminho para a democracia

"Rum, Rome, and Rebellion: The Reform of Reform in the Political Fiction of the Gilded Age" examines a collection of American political novelists who were active during the mid- to late-nineteenth century. These writers were not only active in politics, they also used their experience in politics to compose realist fiction that typically contained a great deal of humor and satire. Despite their different backgrounds, each of these writers challenged the literary and political conventions of Romanticism, championing ironic detachment and cosmopolitanism. Although fiction about quotidian political life rarely achieves canonical status, such literature has always enjoyed a large readership, both in the nineteenth-century and in our own time. This dissertation attempts to untangle why we find (or don’t find) literature about quotidian political life entertaining and/or instructive, while also providing insight into this transitional period in American history. Each chapter concentrates on the fifty-year period between 1848 and 1898 from a different location, forming what are essentially four cross-sectional samples. This serves two interconnected purposes. One, it reorients the periodization of American literature and history away from 1865 by highlighting cultural continuities between the periods before and after the Civil War And two, it serves to highlight the integration of American literature, culture, and politics, with the broader, nineteenth-century Atlantic world, where the year 1865 carries less cultural significance. The first chapter begins in the nation's capital and examines the anti-populist liberalism of Henry Adams and John Hay. From Washington, we move north to New England where we encounter Henry James’s Bostonians. With the exception of Lionel Trilling, few major critics have championed James’s "middle period," which provides quasi-ethnographic sketches of political movements on both sides of the Atlantic. I reveal James’s long-standing fascination and engagement with the political analyses of Alexis de Tocqueville, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and his friend, Henry Adams. I show how the novel anticipates George Santayana’s notion of "the genteel tradition" which dominated northern American culture during this period. After examining two canonical figures, I turn my attention in a more southerly direction, to two lesser known authors. The first is Maria Ruiz de Burton, a Mexican writer from the Southwestern Borderlands who immigrated to the U.S. after the Mexican-American War. Ruiz de Burton has primarily been read as a proto-Chicana/o author, but I view her as a cosmopolitan whose observations about American culture and politics resemble those of James and Santayana. My last chapter is set in Louisiana, where we encounter and recover an eccentric, Spanish-Creole politician and author named Charles Gayarré and his 1856 novel The School for Politics, a satire of local machine politics. Largely forgotten today, Gayarré was connected to intellectual circles in both Europe and Latin America, and was acquainted with American writers like Herman Melville and Henry Adams. I relate The School for Politics with his later political novels in which anti-imperialism and a pluralistic plea for the tolerance of ethnic minorities also implicitly serve as an apology for racial segregation in the Jim Crow South.