abstract: The Victorian era was the age of museum development in the United States. In the wake of these institutions, another important figure of the nineteenth century emerged--the flâneur. The flâneur represents the city, and provided new mechanisms of seeing to the public. The flâneur taught citizens how to gaze with a panoptic eye. The increasing importance of cultural institutions contributed to a new means of presenting power and interacting with the viewing public. Tony Bennett's exhibitionary complex theory, argues that nineteenth-century museums were institutions of power that educated, civilized, and through surveillance, encourage self-regulation of crowds. The flâneur's presence in the nineteenth century informed the public about modes of seeing and self-regulation--which in turn helped establish Bennett's theory inside the museum. The popular writing and literature of the time provides an opportunity to examine the extent of the exhibitionary complex and the flâneur. One of the most prominent nineteenth-century authors, Henry James, not only utilizes museums in his work, but he often uses them in just the manner Bennett puts forth in his theory. This is significant because the ideas about museums in James's work shaped the minds of an expanding literary public in the United States, and further educated, civilized, and regulated readers. James also represents the flâneur in his writing, which speaks to broader cultural implications of the both exhibitionary complex on the outside world, and the effects of broader cultural influences on the museum. Beyond the impact of James's work, in the late nineteenth century American culture increasingly became centered around the printed word. The central position of books in American culture at the end of the nineteenth century allowed books and libraries to appropriate the exhibitionary complex and become tools of power in their own right. The book and the library relate to the museum as part of a larger cultural environment, which emerged as a result of modernity and a response to the ever-changing nineteenth-century world.   / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. History 2011

The subject of this thesis is The Conservative Party and its use of political marketing. The text analyzes how the Party responded to three subsequent election defeats in 1997, 2001 and 2005 and to what extent are the Conservatives utilizing political marketing methods and techniques in reaction to the pressure from their more market oriented competitor, the Labour Party. Since the rebranding of the Labour Party under Tony Blair, the Conservatives were struggling to adapt to the new reality. Instead of utilizing political marketing and being more responsive to the wishes of the electorate they diverged their polities more to the right. However, their incumbent leader, David Cameron, is transforming the Party and making it more market oriented. These efforts are critically analyzed.

Tony Blair’s extraordinary decision to ask for Parliament’s approval for British military deployment in the Iraq War prompted lingering questions about who decides on matters of war and peace in modern Britain. His successors’ use, and thereby confirmation, of the new parliamentary prerogative suggested a fundamental reorganization of war powers in British politics, giving Parliament a significantly stronger position in the realm of foreign affairs. This paper argues that a number of factors, like a Prime Minister’s leadership style, the role Cabinet and the civil service, and Parliament’s governing disadvantages that makes it difficult for Members of Parliament to assert themselves proactively rather than reactively, make the prospect of a “War Powers Act” enshrining Parliament’s constitutional role in authorizing war highly unlikely.

Tony Craggs Skulpturen changieren zwischen Gegenständlichkeit und Ungegenständlichkeit. Obwohl der Körper des Künstlers in seinen gegenwärtigen Skulpturen physisch nicht mehr anwesend ist, bildet die Beziehung zwischen dem Mensch und den Dingen noch immer den wesentlichen Hintergrund von Craggs Skulpturen. Die Darstellung von Bewegung in den beiden Werkgruppen Early Forms und Rational Beings unternimmt nicht den Versuch, physische Bewegungsabläufe des menschlichen Körpers figurativ abzubilden. Vielmehr interessiert es den Künstler, verschiedene Eigenschaften von Bewegung in Form zu fassen.

The aim of master's thesis "Attitudes to the UK membership in the European Union (1993- 2016)" is to analyse the individual theoretical and political attitudes towards the UK membership in the European Union. In particular, the thesis focuses on the period after the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, during the governments of Conservative Prime Minister John Major (1990-1997), Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997-2005) and Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron (2010-2016), who called a referendum on "Brexit" in 2016. Since the beginning of its membership in the EU, the United Kingdom has been more inclined towards an intergovernmental approach and worried about the delegation of power to supranational authorities as well as federalist tendencies. Due to the large number of approaches and theories related to the European integration, the thesis will focus in detail on federalism theory, to which the United Kingdom has always strongly defined itself, contrary to the model of multilevel governance that characterizes the current political system in Britain. In the past, the British political system was based on the so-called Westminster model, however, since the 1980s it has gradually transformed into a model of multilevel governance. The core of the thesis is to classify the relations...

The aim of the master thesis is to deal with the specific bond between the USA and the Great Britain - by Winston Churchill defined as a special relationship - which connects the both countries based on their common history, language and culture or on their common threat. The special bond then further leads and helps to close cooperation and support in between the USA and the Great Britain. The era the thesis is concerned with begins at the very end of the Cold War when the common enemy was defeated and it was claimed that the special relationship is supposed to vanish as well. It then ends with the term of David Cameron who was later succeeded by Theresa May. The work further focuses on the three significant British premiers - John Major, Tony Blair and David Cameron and the description of their attitude to the relationship with European Union and more importantly to the USA, as the references about the special relationship appear further in their speeches. The subject of my analysis are the speeches of individual statesmen and the fact how exactly they perceive the Great Britain in the international system. Whether the Great Britain should accept its role in the European Union or rather deepen its bond with the USA on the contrary.

Discrete-event simulation (DES) is an invaluable tool which organizations can use to help better understand, diagnose, and optimize their operational processes. Studies have shown that for the typical DES exercise, the greatest amount of time is spent on developing an accurate model of the process that is to be studied. Process mining, a similar field of study, focuses on using historical data stored in software databases to accurate recreate and analyze business processes. Utilizing process mining techniques to help rapidly develop DES models can drastically reduce the amount of time spent building simulation models, which ultimately will enable organizations to more quickly identify and correct shortcomings in their operations. Although there have been significant advances in process mining research, there are still several issues with current process mining methods which prevent them from seeing widespread industry adoption. One such issue, which this study examines, is the lack of cross-compatibility between process mining tools and other process analysis tools. Specifically, this study develops and characterizes a method through which mined process models can be converted into discrete-event simulation models. The developed method utilizes a plugin written for the ProM Framework, an existing collection of process mining tools, which takes a mined process model as its input and outputs an Excel workbook which provides the process data in a format more easily read by DES packages. Two event logs which mimic real-world processes were used in the development and validation of the plugin. The developed plugin successfully extracted the critical process data from the mined process model and converted it into a format more easily utilized by DES packages. There are several limitations which will limit model accuracy, but the plugin developed by this study shows that the conversion of process models to basic simulation models is possible. Future research can focus on addressing the limitations to improve model accuracy.

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This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.