Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2007. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 204-222).

Este projeto tem por objetivo analisar o potencial comercial brasileiro no contexto da Cooperação Sul-Sul, através do estudo dos Acordos Comerciais do Brasil com a África do Sul e a Índia (Mercosul – SACU e Mercosul – Índia). O presente trabalho possui dois propósitos principais – analisar o status quo e o perfil dos acordos comerciais em pauta entre o Brasil, África do Sul e a Índia e sequencialmente verificar o potencial de aprofundamento do atual Acordo Mercosul – Índia rumo a uma futura Área de Livre Comércio como forma efetiva de fortalecimento econômico no contexto da estratégia brasileira frente aos países do IBAS e da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Para estudar os Acordos de Preferência Comercial selecionados, se utilizará a metodologia multicritério de análise das ofensividades e sensibilidades dos principais produtos brasileiros exportados e importados com estes mercados, o grau de abrangência, profundidade e a cobertura de tais acordos. Por fim, pretende-se inferir considerações gerais sobre o fortalecimento comercial, econômico e político no âmbito da Cooperação Sul-Sul que se poderia obter a partir da ampliação de tais acordos. / This project aims to analyze the Brazilian commercial potential in the context of South-South Cooperation, through the study of Brazil's Trade Agreements with South Africa and India (Mercosur - SACU and Mercosur - India). This work has two main purposes - to analyze the ‘status quo’ and the profile of trade agreements at issue between Brazil, South Africa and India, and sequentially verify the potential of deepening the current Mercosur Agreement - India towards a future Free Trade Area as an effective form of economic empowerment in the context of the Brazilian strategy at IBSA countries and in the South-South Cooperation. To study the selected trade preference agreements, the methodology approach to be used will be the multiple-criteria analysis of offensiveness and sensitivities of the main Brazilian products exported and imported with these markets, the degree of breadth, depth and coverage of such agreements. Finally, the intention is to infer general considerations on the commercial, economic and political empowerment within the framework of South-South cooperation that could be obtained from the expansion of such agreements.

Este projeto tem por objetivo analisar o potencial comercial brasileiro no contexto da Cooperação Sul-Sul, através do estudo dos Acordos Comerciais do Brasil com a África do Sul e a Índia (Mercosul – SACU e Mercosul – Índia). O presente trabalho possui dois propósitos principais – analisar o status quo e o perfil dos acordos comerciais em pauta entre o Brasil, África do Sul e a Índia e sequencialmente verificar o potencial de aprofundamento do atual Acordo Mercosul – Índia rumo a uma futura Área de Livre Comércio como forma efetiva de fortalecimento econômico no contexto da estratégia brasileira frente aos países do IBAS e da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Para estudar os Acordos de Preferência Comercial selecionados, se utilizará a metodologia multicritério de análise das ofensividades e sensibilidades dos principais produtos brasileiros exportados e importados com estes mercados, o grau de abrangência, profundidade e a cobertura de tais acordos. Por fim, pretende-se inferir considerações gerais sobre o fortalecimento comercial, econômico e político no âmbito da Cooperação Sul-Sul que se poderia obter a partir da ampliação de tais acordos. / This project aims to analyze the Brazilian commercial potential in the context of South-South Cooperation, through the study of Brazil's Trade Agreements with South Africa and India (Mercosur - SACU and Mercosur - India). This work has two main purposes - to analyze the ‘status quo’ and the profile of trade agreements at issue between Brazil, South Africa and India, and sequentially verify the potential of deepening the current Mercosur Agreement - India towards a future Free Trade Area as an effective form of economic empowerment in the context of the Brazilian strategy at IBSA countries and in the South-South Cooperation. To study the selected trade preference agreements, the methodology approach to be used will be the multiple-criteria analysis of offensiveness and sensitivities of the main Brazilian products exported and imported with these markets, the degree of breadth, depth and coverage of such agreements. Finally, the intention is to infer general considerations on the commercial, economic and political empowerment within the framework of South-South cooperation that could be obtained from the expansion of such agreements.

No description available.

International trade ties the world together and is hypothetically fair and equal. In reality, it is highly asymmetrical and poses a significant challenge for developing countries. A massive sea change occurred in the international trade regime during the Uruguay Round of negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) from 1986 to 1994. Developing countries as a whole began to embrace liberal trade policies which seemed to be the only alternative to failing import substitution industrialization (ISI). An historical comparative account describing and explaining this transformation of developing countries’ attitudes toward the GATT is used in this dissertation to provide an alternative explanation for the transition of developing countries from having little interest in the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations to sharply changing course and adopting neo-liberal policies which supported the conclusion of the Round. Three theoretical approaches seek to explain why this change occurred, including: liberal trade theory (economic reforms), dependency theory (external forces) and constructivism (the role epistemic communities). The Uruguay Round negotiations were dynamic and heavily influenced by two power-house developing economies, India and Brazil, who were initially opposed to the Round itself. Kenya found itself in a starkly different situation with minimal ability to participate or influence negotiations. These three countries constitute the study’s illustrative case studies. As negotiations progressed, India and Brazil changed course and agreed to the Round’s ‘single-undertaking’ and the ‘inequitable Grand Bargain’ between the developed and developing economies. This subsequently led to other developing countries following suit through a powerful demonstration effect in a trade-off between the inclusion of trade in services and intellectual property for reforms in agriculture and textiles & clothing. While economic reforms began to occur and attitudes began to change during the Uruguay Round itself, assessing developing countries during the Round found that no single theoretical approach can explain developing countries’ transformation; rather each had their own trajectory for their economic reforms. A multi-dimensional conclusion provides the most comprehensive account of this transformation of the global trade regime.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p.112-118).

The thesis deals with processes that are under way on the international political scene focused on bringing about change in international trade rules. The aim is to analyze to what extent are taken into account interests and development needs of sub-Saharan Africa. Examination of links between international trade on one hand, and development and poverty alleviation on the other hand, has emerged as one of the top issues of development studies. They consider a more substantial integration of sub-Saharan Africa countries into flows of international trade as one of the forms of efficient support to the African development efforts. Actually, two key trade negotiations are taking place -- the Doha Development Agenda under the auspices of the World Trade Organisation, and the Economic Partnership Agreements negotiations between the European Union and the ACP countries. The negotiations have proven to be politically sensible and up to now have failed in reaching an agreement. The present thesis seeks, therefore, to explore the reasons for the failure.

This thesis examines the role of mediators in WTO trade negotiations and the impact of individual mediation strategies on the outcome of these negotiations. It seeks to answer the question how mediators can help negotiators to overcome the bargaining problem and reach an agreement. The thesis first presumes that mediators who frequently apply more interventionist and inclusive tactics can increase the likelihood of a successful outcome of negotiations. Secondly, it presupposes that particular mediation tactics enable negotiators to save their face not only in front of their opponents, but more importantly also in front of domestic constituencies. Using the case of Geneva-based negotiations and the Bali Ministerial Conference, the thesis tracks individual mediation strategies which were employed by WTO chairs or the Director-General to determine their impact on the final adoption of the Bali package, representing the first multilateral trade agreement concluded under the auspices of the WTO. The analysis indicates that mediators who actively intervene in the bargaining process and assist negotiators in decreasing their audience costs may positively influence the chances of reaching an agreement. Contrarily, it shows at the same time that the effects of inclusive mediation are varied and...

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Desde a redemocratização do país em 1985 o MRE já vinha se posicionando à favor do diálogo com os mais diversos grupos e entidades sociais. Neste sentido, observou-se ao longo dos últimos anos um aprofundamento da interação com parlamentares, governos estaduais e municipais, empresários, sindicalistas, ONGs e imprensa. A construção de vínculos entre as organizações da sociedade civil críticas das negociações comerciais ao longo da década de 1990 permite falar na criação de um novo campo de ação coletiva transnacional, definido como um espaço de ação política formado por indivíduos e organizações da sociedade civil que participam do processo de elaboração de um conjunto comum de práticas, objetivos e crenças. O que se pode concluir é que diante de um contexto mais competitivo e globalizado, após processo de abertura comercial e intensificação da participação brasileira nas negociações internacionais, a representação dos interesses da classe empresarial teve que se adaptar criando uma nova forma de organização. Desse modo, o presente trabalho visa analisar a crescente interferência de grupos de interesse no processo de tomada de decisão, no que tange aos assuntos de política externa comercial brasileira, tais como as negociações comerciais internacionais por se tratar de um ambiente cujos interesses da classe empresarial mais podem ser afetados. As negociações comerciais internacionais é o ambiente em que a atuação empresarial mais pode ser percebida. As negociações do Mercosul e da ALCA possibilitam observar a participação ativa destes novos atores. Sendo assim, o trabalho apresenta a nova dinâmica de relacionamento entre Estado e grupos da sociedade civil (classe empresarial) para temas ligados a comércio exterior. / Since the democratization of the country in 1985 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was already positioning itself to promote a dialogue with the various groups and charities. In this sense, it was observed over the past year a further interaction with lawmakers, state and local governments, businessmen, trade unionists, NGOs and media. The building of links between civil society organizations critical of trade negotiations throughout the 1990s allows us to speak on creating a new field of transnational collective action, defined as a space for political action made up of individuals and civil society organizations that participate the process of developing a common set of practices, beliefs and goals. What can be concluded is that before a more competitive and globalized, after opening up of trade and intensification of the Brazilian participation in international negotiations, representing the interests of the business class had to adapt by creating a new form of organization. Thus, this study aims to examine the growing interference of interest groups in decision-making process, with respect to matters of Brazilian foreign trade policy, such as international trade negotiations because it is an environment whose interests the business class more may be affected. International trade negotiations are the environment in which business activity can be more noticeable. Negotiations of the Mercosur and the FTAA allow you to observe the active participation of new actors. Thus, the paper presents a new dynamic relationship between state and civil society groups (business class) for issues related to foreign trade.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Desde a redemocratização do país em 1985 o MRE já vinha se posicionando à favor do diálogo com os mais diversos grupos e entidades sociais. Neste sentido, observou-se ao longo dos últimos anos um aprofundamento da interação com parlamentares, governos estaduais e municipais, empresários, sindicalistas, ONGs e imprensa. A construção de vínculos entre as organizações da sociedade civil críticas das negociações comerciais ao longo da década de 1990 permite falar na criação de um novo campo de ação coletiva transnacional, definido como um espaço de ação política formado por indivíduos e organizações da sociedade civil que participam do processo de elaboração de um conjunto comum de práticas, objetivos e crenças. O que se pode concluir é que diante de um contexto mais competitivo e globalizado, após processo de abertura comercial e intensificação da participação brasileira nas negociações internacionais, a representação dos interesses da classe empresarial teve que se adaptar criando uma nova forma de organização. Desse modo, o presente trabalho visa analisar a crescente interferência de grupos de interesse no processo de tomada de decisão, no que tange aos assuntos de política externa comercial brasileira, tais como as negociações comerciais internacionais por se tratar de um ambiente cujos interesses da classe empresarial mais podem ser afetados. As negociações comerciais internacionais é o ambiente em que a atuação empresarial mais pode ser percebida. As negociações do Mercosul e da ALCA possibilitam observar a participação ativa destes novos atores. Sendo assim, o trabalho apresenta a nova dinâmica de relacionamento entre Estado e grupos da sociedade civil (classe empresarial) para temas ligados a comércio exterior. / Since the democratization of the country in 1985 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was already positioning itself to promote a dialogue with the various groups and charities. In this sense, it was observed over the past year a further interaction with lawmakers, state and local governments, businessmen, trade unionists, NGOs and media. The building of links between civil society organizations critical of trade negotiations throughout the 1990s allows us to speak on creating a new field of transnational collective action, defined as a space for political action made up of individuals and civil society organizations that participate the process of developing a common set of practices, beliefs and goals. What can be concluded is that before a more competitive and globalized, after opening up of trade and intensification of the Brazilian participation in international negotiations, representing the interests of the business class had to adapt by creating a new form of organization. Thus, this study aims to examine the growing interference of interest groups in decision-making process, with respect to matters of Brazilian foreign trade policy, such as international trade negotiations because it is an environment whose interests the business class more may be affected. International trade negotiations are the environment in which business activity can be more noticeable. Negotiations of the Mercosur and the FTAA allow you to observe the active participation of new actors. Thus, the paper presents a new dynamic relationship between state and civil society groups (business class) for issues related to foreign trade.