This dissertation examines whether the regulation of the franchise sector is effective in achieving two of the stated goals of the Franchising Code of Conduct. These two goals are redressing the imbalance of power in the relationship and increasing levels of certainty for participants in the sector. Based on the ‘new learning’ in regulation, this dissertation takes an expansive approach to the concept of regulation. It considers how, in a ‘multi-layered system of governance’, the layers of regulation of the franchising sector contribute to these goals. The results of the analysis suggest that private, self-regulation through the layers of market and contract sets up a relationship where there is an imbalance of power in favour of a franchisor and uncertainty for a franchisee. The market interaction between the parties establishes these conditions, which are reinforced by the contract, in particular by the interaction of the standard form and relational qualities of the contract. A public layer of governance, direct intervention in the form of the Franchising Code of Conduct, relies largely on selfregulatory tools such as disclosure and is also ineffective in addressing the imbalance of power in the relationship and in increasing levels of certainty for franchisees. Because neither self-regulatory mechanisms nor legislative intervention achieves the stated goals of redressing imbalance of power and uncertainty in the franchise relationship, the analysis concludes that a reframing of regulation is necessary. The recommended revised regulatory program features collaborative, participative, democratic process to gather and assess good measurements that inform the identification of problems and the selection of tools appropriate to address those problems.

The application of anti-dumping and countervailing measures has always been controversial, particularly, as they do not address the issue of the level of local value added in the production process. Are these measures simply industry assistance measures under another guise, or are they to protect the 'fair trade' framework to further the opportunity for free trade? All the indications are that these measures reflect the former option. However, the global political climate as represented through the GATT and now the WTO Agreements is to tolerate the imposition of both anti-dumping and countervailing measures provided they are applied according to the provisions of the Agreements. It is becoming increasingly more difficult for any nation state to abolish the right of their 'guest' industries to obtain anti-dumping or countervailing relief, given the economic power of multinational industries operating within their boundaries. The practical issue is for each nation state to use these measures in a way which is of least detriment to their economy. Gruen in 1986 reviewed the application of the then Customs Tariff (Anti-Dumping) Act 1975, and found that there needed to be a tightening-up of the injury test applied to anti-dumping cases. It is recommended that Gruen's tougher injury standards be implemented forthwith. He also recommended a continuing role for the Industry Commission as the appeal body for a review of the facts, and for there to be a continuing assessment of the effects of the measures imposed. The government, however, created an Anti-Dumping Authority attached to the then Department of Industry Technology and Commerce (DITAC), whose member and officers came from that department. The principal function of this body was to review the preliminary decisions of Customs, and to recommend the imposition of duties or acceptance of an undertaking to the Minister. There was no provision for an independent review of facts. One of the results of the increased complexity of the existing process and consequently the law, is a large increase in litigation before the Federal Court. There is a need to simplify the administrative structure and the provisions of the domestic law. The latter should be accomplished by the incorporation of the provisions of the WTO Agreements directly into domestic law. The espoused policy objectives of the government have not been met. The application of anti-dumping and countervailing measures favour import competing industries, and are against countries from which imports are growing. Korea and China have been singled out, with these countries showing the highest incidence of import weighted of anti-dumping measures. They also happen to be countries with which Australia has a trade surplus, a policy factor which is neglected by the administering authorities. There is a need to redress this imbalance. Predation identified by the government as a reason for taking anti-dumping action, has been shown not to be a reason for the application of anti-dumping duties in Australia. As a small country, Australia should take advantage of the use of the WTO dispute settlement process in settling anti-dumping and countervailing disputes. Consultations should commence at the earliest possible stage in inquiries, with the view to the settlement of the dispute by trade negotiation so that the outcome can be beneficial to both parties. This may, for example, allow for the specialisation in production between the two Members. WTO dispute settlement is seen as a positive approach to dispute settlement, whereas the use of the domestic courts tends to elevate the dispute between the parties. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade needs to take a leadership role in settling all anti-dumping and countervailing actions through the WTO dispute settlement process, with a view to a positive outcome for both Members. Placing an anti-dumping import tax on intermediate products entering Australia is counter-productive, as it increases the cost of inputs to downstream users. Temporary relief should be given by way of production subsidy, if the matter cannot be resolved through WTO trade consultations.

This paper examines franchising regulation in Australia as a case study for the analysis of regulation based on established regulatory theory. A literature review is conducted to establish and critique the theory of regulation based on the four main areas of established theory; regulatory purpose, regulatory strategies, rulemaking and enforcement. Case study data is drawn from primary source material and academic commentary on franchising regulation and presented according to the eras of franchising regulation in Australia, moving from the first proposals for legislation in the 1970s to the prescribed mandatory Franchising Code of Conduct model adopted in 1998 and refinements made to that scheme up to 2006. An analysis is then conducted on each major aspect of Australian franchising regulation using the established theoretical principles and analytical constructs available in the literature. The study concludes that the Franchising Code of Conduct regime, as a culmination of the experience gained and study undertaken in the preceding eras, is characterised by the availability of a broad range of enforcement options from harsh deterrence-oriented measures to more gentle and cooperative compliance-oriented options constituting an effective regulatory pyramid. The effectiveness of the regime is further bolstered by the presence of a credible regulatory strategy pyramid which emphasises the real possibility of escalated intervention, coupled with skilful deployment by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission as enforcement agency. The principal weakness of the scheme is identified as unnecessarily ambiguous drafting in some areas, which compromises the quality of the otherwise highly transparent ruleset. It is suggested that the choice of regulatory strategy, often a focus of superficial examinations of regulation, is largely irrelevant to the nature of the regulation, with other features such as enforcement strategy, legitimacy, and availability of credible sanctions proving much more important. A proposal for an analytical framework based on the established theory is developed based on the experience of applying that theory to the case study. While this outlined framework assists in broadening focus across the entire regulatory regime to encourage assessment of the component parts, a lack of cohesion and linkage amongst the components highlights a shortcoming in the development of regulatory theory and an opportunity for further research.

This paper examines franchising regulation in Australia as a case study for the analysis of regulation based on established regulatory theory. A literature review is conducted to establish and critique the theory of regulation based on the four main areas of established theory; regulatory purpose, regulatory strategies, rulemaking and enforcement. Case study data is drawn from primary source material and academic commentary on franchising regulation and presented according to the eras of franchising regulation in Australia, moving from the first proposals for legislation in the 1970s to the prescribed mandatory Franchising Code of Conduct model adopted in 1998 and refinements made to that scheme up to 2006. An analysis is then conducted on each major aspect of Australian franchising regulation using the established theoretical principles and analytical constructs available in the literature. The study concludes that the Franchising Code of Conduct regime, as a culmination of the experience gained and study undertaken in the preceding eras, is characterised by the availability of a broad range of enforcement options from harsh deterrence-oriented measures to more gentle and cooperative compliance-oriented options constituting an effective regulatory pyramid. The effectiveness of the regime is further bolstered by the presence of a credible regulatory strategy pyramid which emphasises the real possibility of escalated intervention, coupled with skilful deployment by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission as enforcement agency. The principal weakness of the scheme is identified as unnecessarily ambiguous drafting in some areas, which compromises the quality of the otherwise highly transparent ruleset. It is suggested that the choice of regulatory strategy, often a focus of superficial examinations of regulation, is largely irrelevant to the nature of the regulation, with other features such as enforcement strategy, legitimacy, and availability of credible sanctions proving much more important. A proposal for an analytical framework based on the established theory is developed based on the experience of applying that theory to the case study. While this outlined framework assists in broadening focus across the entire regulatory regime to encourage assessment of the component parts, a lack of cohesion and linkage amongst the components highlights a shortcoming in the development of regulatory theory and an opportunity for further research.

In Europe of the Middle Ages, there existed an autonomous regime of truly private international business law based upon the customs and usages of merchants, the Law Merchant, administered in lay tribunals. The courts and legislators usurped the jurisdiction of the lay tribunals, and subverted the Law Merchant to municipal law. Arbitration was similarly subverted to municipal courts and strict legal controls. The courts continued to guard their jurisdiction jealously into the 20th century, when nations came to realize the inadequacy of national legal systems for international business problems, and the desire of business to escape parochial legal concerns and municipal courts. Canada adopted the New York Convention and UNCITRAL Model Law in 1986, which maximize party and arbitral autonomy and restrict court interference with arbitration. These new laws would permit the resurrection of an autonomous regime of international commercial dispute settlement largely divorced from national law and court controls, if the courts cooperate. This thesis is the first comprehensive, up-to-date study (of which I am aware) of Canadian case law on arbitration in the context of the history of autonomous commercial dispute resolution from the its zenith in the Middle Ages through its nadir, to its present attempted resurrection. This thesis shows that the courts of Canada continue to guard their jurisdiction jealously, finding the means in old notions and precedents to justify their refusal to cede jurisdiction to arbitrators. The courts have ignored the policies underlying the new laws, have failed to apply international precedents and standards, and have continued to apply notions and precedents from an era hostile to arbitration.

Encore une fois, il semble que la question des subventions agricoles ait refait surface comme l'élément clé du présent cycle de négociations commerciales multilatérales à l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC). Pourtant, le cycle d'Uruguay, qui s'est achevé en 1994, avait tenté de rétablir l'agriculture comme un secteur «normal» de négociations à l'OMC. Or, il semble que plutôt que d'en faire un secteur comme les autres en ce qui a trait aux subventions, le cycle d'Uruguay ait surtout contribué à établir un régime de disciplines pour l'agriculture qui se distingue à plusieurs égards du régime général établi par l'Accord sur les subventions et les mesures compensatoires (SMC). Une analyse des disciplines en place lors du système GATT (1947-1994) démontre que ce double régime n'avait pas formellement été mis en place avant la conclusion, en 1994, de l'Accord SMC et de l'Accord sur l'agriculture. En fait, malgré quelques distinctions qui sont apparues graduellement, ce clivage ne s'est véritablement effectué qu'à partir du cycle d'Uruguay. Tant sur le plan des subventions à l'exportation que du soutien interne, il apparaît que le système actuel impose des règles beaucoup moins contraignantes pour les subventions de produits agricoles que pour tout autre produit. Cette situation s'explique, en partie, par le haut degré de sensibilité politique de l'agriculture, de même que par certaines particularités économiques intrinsèques à cette industrie. L'avenir de ce double régime demeure encore incertain. Il semble cependant qu'aucun changement en profondeur ne peut être anticipé pour le présent cycle de Doha. / Once again, it seems that the issue of agricultural subsidies has emerged has the key concern of the current round of WTO multilateral trade negotiations - even as the Uruguay Round, which was completed in 1994, had tried to bring agriculture back into a "normal" negotiating sector at the WTO. Rather, it seems that instead of making it a sector like any other concerning subsidies, the Uruguay Round has above al1 contributed to establish a regime of disciplines for agriculture that distinguished itself in many respect from the general regime established by the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM). An examination of disciplines in place during the GATT system (1947-1994) shows that this double regime was not formally instituted before the conclusion, in 1994, of the SCM Agreement and of the Agreement on Agriculture. In fact, despite a few distinctions that evolved gradual1y, this division only real1y established itself from the Uruguay Round onwards. With regard to export subsidies as wel1 as to domestic support, it appears that the current system subjects subsidies in the field of agriculture to rules are substantially less restricting than subsidies in other fields. This situation can be explained in part by the high degree of political sensitivity in agriculture, as wel1 as by some of the intrinsic economic characteristics of this sector. The future of this double regime remains uncertain. However, it seems that no major change can be expected during the current Doha Round. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (LL.M) option recherche"

The objective of this thesis is to demonstrate, through legal and regulatory analysis, how three non-trade issues - SPS measures, trade in GMOs and food security concerns - might result in new modem barriers to trade that might diminish the gains of freer markets. If developed countries use non-trade concerns to justify more generous domestic support in a non-decoupled way, may do as much harm to international trade as the traditional trade policies instruments did in the past. Such undesired behavior from the developed world is possible due to the inability of current WTO norms to control these new problems. These three special issues must be addressed in future negotiations in order to modify developing countries' perception that the payoffs of trade liberalization are not advantageous for them. The continuance of this perception during current negotiations might lead to the collapse of the current trading system.

This thesis investigates the operation of a system of second hand car dealer licensing introduced to Scotland in 1982. The aim is to assess whether or not this policy is having a beneficial impact upon the experiences of second hand car purchasers in Scotland. The second hand car trade exhibits a number of characteristics of market failure with respect to consumer's interests. The complexity of the product and the infrequency of purchase make information about both product and dealer particularly difficult to obtain and evaluate. One regulatory response to consumer problems in this market is to licence second hand car dealers. This approach has been adopted in a number of other countries notably, Canada, Australia and some states of the US. The policy has provoked a great deal of debate about the achievement of consumer benefits associated with information and standards as opposed to producer benefits associated with restrictions to entry and mobility. In the Scottish case the power to licence second hand car dealers was delegated to Scottish district councils who were able to take advantage of considerable discretion in designing, implementing and operating their own licensing system. When seen from a national perspective, this delegation has led to a number of undesirable consequences. This thesis presents two major findings. The first is that district councils in Scotland have largely neglected their licensing systems. As a result the licensing of second hand car dealers in Scotland is only partially operative. The second is that second hand car dealer licensing in Scotland is having no impact upon the purchase experiences of consumers. There are two implications of these findings. First, without a fully operational system no evaluation of licensing as a policy is possible. Secondly, far from being unaffected by this partially operating system, consumers are worse off than without licensing. This raises issues for consumers, district councils and policy makers.

The increase of antidumping measures could represent a source of mounting frictions in the trading systems among Canada, United States and Mexico. Mexico is an active user of antidumping measures suggesting that both private sector groups and government policy makers have found antidumping measures to be a convenient response to the pressures of import competition. / In the last two decades, Mexico has opened its economy to international commerce. Nevertheless, its economy and legal system are not comparable to those of the United States or Canada, although it has adopted analogous antidumping laws. The Mexican antidumping practice is based today on common law practices influencing civil law formalities. In the NAFTA context, more specifically, in its Chapter 19, legal problems facing the binational panel review system have arisen from Mexico's different legal tradition, notably in the areas of transparency and procedural issues, standard of review, parallel amparo and the power of panel vis-a-vis national courts. The procedural requirements of the Antidumping Agreement prove a challenge for Mexico and will likely lead to trade disputes concerning procedure because it lacks the tradition of administrative and legal process.

The application of anti-dumping and countervailing measures has always been controversial, particularly, as they do not address the issue of the level of local value added in the production process. Are these measures simply industry assistance measures under another guise, or are they to protect the 'fair trade' framework to further the opportunity for free trade? All the indications are that these measures reflect the former option. However, the global political climate as represented through the GATT and now the WTO Agreements is to tolerate the imposition of both anti-dumping and countervailing measures provided they are applied according to the provisions of the Agreements. It is becoming increasingly more difficult for any nation state to abolish the right of their 'guest' industries to obtain anti-dumping or countervailing relief, given the economic power of multinational industries operating within their boundaries. The practical issue is for each nation state to use these measures in a way which is of least detriment to their economy. Gruen in 1986 reviewed the application of the then Customs Tariff (Anti-Dumping) Act 1975, and found that there needed to be a tightening-up of the injury test applied to anti-dumping cases. It is recommended that Gruen's tougher injury standards be implemented forthwith. He also recommended a continuing role for the Industry Commission as the appeal body for a review of the facts, and for there to be a continuing assessment of the effects of the measures imposed. The government, however, created an Anti-Dumping Authority attached to the then Department of Industry Technology and Commerce (DITAC), whose member and officers came from that department. The principal function of this body was to review the preliminary decisions of Customs, and to recommend the imposition of duties or acceptance of an undertaking to the Minister. There was no provision for an independent review of facts. One of the results of the increased complexity of the existing process and consequently the law, is a large increase in litigation before the Federal Court. There is a need to simplify the administrative structure and the provisions of the domestic law. The latter should be accomplished by the incorporation of the provisions of the WTO Agreements directly into domestic law. The espoused policy objectives of the government have not been met. The application of anti-dumping and countervailing measures favour import competing industries, and are against countries from which imports are growing. Korea and China have been singled out, with these countries showing the highest incidence of import weighted of anti-dumping measures. They also happen to be countries with which Australia has a trade surplus, a policy factor which is neglected by the administering authorities. There is a need to redress this imbalance. Predation identified by the government as a reason for taking anti-dumping action, has been shown not to be a reason for the application of anti-dumping duties in Australia. As a small country, Australia should take advantage of the use of the WTO dispute settlement process in settling anti-dumping and countervailing disputes. Consultations should commence at the earliest possible stage in inquiries, with the view to the settlement of the dispute by trade negotiation so that the outcome can be beneficial to both parties. This may, for example, allow for the specialisation in production between the two Members. WTO dispute settlement is seen as a positive approach to dispute settlement, whereas the use of the domestic courts tends to elevate the dispute between the parties. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade needs to take a leadership role in settling all anti-dumping and countervailing actions through the WTO dispute settlement process, with a view to a positive outcome for both Members. Placing an anti-dumping import tax on intermediate products entering Australia is counter-productive, as it increases the cost of inputs to downstream users. Temporary relief should be given by way of production subsidy, if the matter cannot be resolved through WTO trade consultations.