本論文除第一章導論外，尚分五章，其架構大致介紹如下：一.第二章為〔國內法上之強制規律及其基本理論〕本章之探討目的，主要在表明強制規律的基本意義，強制規律與任意規律的不同，強制規律維護公益及法律秩序之根本的本質﹞。第三章為〔條約法上強制規律的發展〕本章之目的乃在表明，強制規律的用語雖來自於國內法，但其在國際法上之思想淵源卻可追朔至十六七世紀的自然法學派﹞。第四章為〔條約法上強制規律的意義，內涵與本質〕許多與強制規律有關的重要問題，接在這章討論，比如，條約法公約第五十三條所謂〔國際社會全體接受並公認〕的真正意涵何在？國際法規律究為自然法或實證法？強制規律與國際法法源的關係為何？在國際社會並無一世界政府的情形下，國際法強制規律的內涵為何？四.第五章為〔與強制規律牴觸情勢之探討〕本章討論的難題亦不少，比如，條約在締結時與強制規律牴觸者無效，此等無效之性質為何？強制規律是否有回溯的效力？第三國是否有權主張與強制規律牴觸的條約無效？等問題﹞第六章為結論第六章針對整篇論文提出三項總結，第一節認為強制規律已獲得多數學者之肯定，但仍面臨了若干未決之難題，第二節強調強制規律是一項實證國際法規範，第三節勾勒出強制規律的理想，乃在協調個體與全體間利益之衝突。

Submitted as Ph.D thesis. Bibliography: leaves 225-235.

The topic of this thesis is the prolonged denial and eventual recognition of the rights of the Indigenous peoples of Australia following the British assertion of sovereignty. The analysis considers the manner in which the denial and subsequent recognition of Indigenous rights has affected the system of government of the dominant society (the Commonwealth of Australia) in terms of the establishment and evolution of the constitutional framework and associated processes of institutional change in the principles, structures and procedures of the system of government. The primary jurisdiction in which this topic is explored is the Northern Territory of Australia; the primary contexts are the recognition of Indigenous land rights (defined broadly to include associated natural and cultural heritage and resource rights) and the Indigenous right to self government within ‘the state’ (the internationally constituted and recognised polity of the Commonwealth of Australia). / The thesis draws on analogous developments in Canada and New Zealand to demonstrate that, while significant progress has been made in the recognition of Indigenous rights since the 1960s, many forms of recognition remain conceptually and procedurally limited. In particular, associated regimes have almost invariably been devised and implemented within a fundamentally monocultural context in which Indigenous rights remain subject to unilateral abrogation or extinguishment by Commonwealth governments. In addition, the legal basis of and requirements for recognition of Indigenous rights according to Commonwealth law result in extremely variable levels of recognition in different areas and contexts, and principles and procedures for the mutual recognition and co-existence of Indigenous and Commonwealth law and systems of government are only partially apparent in the Federal and Northern Territory systems of government. In addition to extending and deepening the recognition of Indigenous rights throughout all relevant institutions of the system of government, to address these deficiencies the thesis argues that constitutional recognition and protection of Indigenous rights and the negotiation of treaties are essential if the Indigenous right of self-determination is to be respected and accommodated by the dominant society.

On New Year's Eve 1993, there was little indication that popular President Carlos Salinas de Gortari was about to take a monumental fall. Mexico was in the midst of unprecedented prosperity. The world's oldest ruling political party, Mexico's PRI, enjoyed substantial support. Allegations of corruption within an authoritarian regime were now frivolous charges obscured by economic success. The nation was poised to become a major player in the global market; vying with Japan to be the second largest trading partner of the U.S.A. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between Canada, the largest trading partner of the U.S., Mexico and the United States became effective January 1, 1994. Just after midnight 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) went to war in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas. Approximately 2500 peasants (mostly indigenous men of Mayan descent) had mobilized against the Mexican government. The violence sparked world wide interest in the human rights of Mexican Indians. Ten days later, as the EZLN retreated into the jungle, an international audience remained captivated by the struggle. The Mexican Army did not advance. The EZLN refused to lay down its arms. Within the year, the Mexican economy collapsed. Soon thereafter, President Salinas went into voluntary exile amidst charges of high crimes against the state. Was it just a coincidence that the rebellion coincided with the implementation of NAFTA? Did the treaty really present such an enormous threat to Mexico's underclass? Did NAFTA contribute to the nation's political problems? The following thesis answers these questions. It is the product of years of travel and study throughout Chiapas and Mexico, both before and after the rebellion. The intricacies of the relationship between NAFTA, the Mexican government and the EZLN are revealed. The government's position and rebel demands are reconcilable. This is an important conclusion. But Mexico is a poor country embroiled in a rebellion to the south as well as a precarious economic treaty with the world's wealthiest nation to the north. In addition, the EZLN has come to represent the world's beleaguered poor in an era of free trade. As Mexico's past and present are explored, conclusions about the country's future have implications that go beyond NAFTA. / Graduation date: 2000

Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit den Auswirkungen der von Deutschland geschlossenen bilateralen Investitionsschutzverträge (Bilateral Investment Treaties, BITs) auf die wirtschaftliche, soziale und ökologische Regulierung von ausländischen Investitionen. Die Analyse der 137 deutschen BITs sowie die Auswertung relevanter Schiedsgerichtsentscheidungen hat folgende zentrale Ergebnisse hinsichtlich der Einschränkung staatlicher Regulierungsmöglichkeiten ergeben: <br><br> Aufgrund eines breiten Enteignungsbegriffs kann eine umweltpolitische Regulierung, die wirtschaftliche Auswirkungen auf ausländische Investoren hat, eine Verpflichtung zur Entschädigung nach sich ziehen, denn den deutschen BITs ist nicht klar zu entnehmen, dass staatliche Regulierung im Regelfall nicht als Enteignung gelten sollte. <br><br> Empirisch kann weder eine Verbindung zwischen dem Abschluss von BITs und einem Anstieg des Investitionsvolumens noch ein Automatismus zwischen dem Zufluss von privatem Kapital und wirtschaftlicher Entwicklung hergestellt werden. Im Gegenteil sind sogar staatliche Maßnahmen, die für kapitalimportierende Länder eine Möglichkeit wären, den wirtschaftlichen Nutzen von ausländischen Investitionen zu erhöhen, durch Regelungen in den BITs untersagt. Problematisch im Bereich geistiges Eigentum ist, dass Rechtsinhaber vor einem internationalen Schiedsgericht Entschädigung einklagen können, wenn staatliche Regulierung im öffentlichen Interesse zu einem enteignungsgleichen Eingriff führt. <br><br> Dienstleistungen unterliegen aufgrund ihrer Eigenschaften besonders stark der staatlichen Regulierung, so dass auch hier Konflikte bezüglich des Enteignungsschutzes und des Grundsatzes der gerechten und billigen Behandlung entstehen. Bei der Beteiligung privater Unternehmen in der Daseinsvorsorge ist problematisch, dass jede Verletzung vertraglicher Zusicherungen durch den Gaststaat aufgrund der Abschirmungsklausel als Verstoß gegen die deutschen BITs gilt. Damit erschweren die Verträge, die häufig über lange Zeiträume geschlossen sind, Reaktionen staatlicher Stellen auf neu auftretende Regulierungsbedürfnisse. <br><br> Im Bereich des Arbeitnehmerschutzes und der Sozialpolitik kann in bestimmten Konstellationen die Verschärfung von Arbeitsstandards gegen die Abschirmungsklausel verstoßen oder die Umverteilung von Land ohne volle Entschädigung mit dem Enteignungsschutz in Konflikt geraten. Bei der Besteuerung ausländischer Investoren können insbesondere Widersprüchlichkeiten im Steuerrecht, die sich zuungunsten ausländischer Investoren auswirken, als Verstoß gegen den Grundsatz der Inländerbehandlung interpretiert werden, selbst wenn ihnen keine protektionistische Intention zugrunde liegt. <br><br> Auch das Investor-to-State Verfahren trägt dazu bei, dass der Ausgleich zwischen Investitionsschutz und legitimen staatlichen Regulierungsinteressen teilweise nur unzureichend gelingt. Das liegt unter anderem an seiner Nichtöffentlichkeit, der fragmentarischen Natur der Entscheidungen und der fehlenden Nähe der Schiedsgerichte zu den tatsächlichen und rechtlichen Hintergründen der Streitigkeiten. <br><br> Als Konsequenz aus den genannten Problembereichen werden Reformvorschläge für deutsche bilaterale Investitionsabkommen als ein erster Schritt zur Schaffung eines Gleichgewichts zwischen Investorenrechten und Investorenpflichten entwickelt. Durch eine Reform sollten den Gaststaaten größere Handlungsspielräume eröffnet und ihre Flexibilität erhöht werden, um den ökonomischen Nutzen ausländischer Investitionen für Entwicklungsländer zu steigern und allen Ländern eine Regulierung von Investitionen im öffentlichen Interesse zu ermöglichen.

In 1879 the buffalo disappeared from the Canadian North-West, leaving the Plains Indians in an extreme state of destitution. In accordance with its treaty commitments to the Indians, the federal government undertook the responsibility of feeding the Indians of Treaties Four, Six and Seven. The government, in addition, introduced the reserve agricultural program, which it was hoped would transform the Indians into a self-supporting agrarian people. While the initial costs of rationing the Indians and assisting them in farming operations were high, it was hoped that within a few years the government would be largely relieved of such expenditures.<p>In spite of the promising early returns made on reserves in the early 1880's the agricultural program did not succeed quickly enough to suit the government. One of the major reasons for the delay of the program was in fact the government's preoccupation with maintaining economy in Indian administration at all costs. When the government undertook a general reduction of expenditures on Indian administration in the North-West in 1833, any possibility of the reserve agricultural program succeeding was ended.<p>The actions of various Indian bands and leaders in the North-West during these years were characterized by a desire to achieve suitable terms which would permit their people to make the transition to the farming way of life. The general cutbacks in spending introduced in 1883, however, sparked the formation of an Indian political movement seeking improved conditions. This movement grew rapidly, and likely would have unified Indians from all sections of the North-West in insisting upon the renegotiation of the treaties during the summer of 1885, had the Metis not rebelled. Although Indian participation in the North-West Uprising of 1885 was limited, it prompted the adoption of a policy of repression by the government in dealing with the Indians. The plan of assisting the Indians in becoming self-sufficient farmers was forgotten, and they became the charges of the Department of Indian Affairs.

Throughout the history of the North West, Metis people frequently used their knowledge of European, Indian, and Metis culture to mediate Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal social, diplomatic, and economic encounters. Though acknowledged in Metis historiography, this aspect of Metis identity has not been the focus of scholarly analysis, which has primarily centred on Louis Riel, Metis resistance, and ethnogenesis. By closely examining the primary documents, it is evident that the Metis interpreters present at Treaties 1 through 7 were more than merely translators. Prior to negotiations these Metis had interacted with First Nations in a variety of ways, whether in the fur trade or in missionary endeavours. Metis people were well versed in Aboriginal language and cultural traditions, skills they had employed successfully in Rupert's Land prior to 1870.<p> In drawing upon this amicable relationship between Metis and First Nations, Canadian officials in the North West recognized the positive effect of personal diplomacy on securing First Nations signatures to the treaty documents. In this thesis many examples will demonstrate that the actions of Metis people were critical in preventing violence between groups, thereby enabling the treaty process to begin. These Metis individuals moved within a middle ground of context that developed in the era prior to the 1870's, thus indicating a measure of continuity between the pre- and post transition period in the Canadian West.

This study attempts to systematically analyze the determinants of state participation in International Environmental Agreements (IEAs). The study focuses on two core elements: (i) IEA characteristics; and (ii) state characteristics. Hypotheses for state participation in IEAs are formulated based on the two main International Relations theories dealing with cooperation – Realism and Liberalism. The study presents five different models for state participation in IEAs. The first model analyzes the influence of treaty variables, while the remaining four focus on state variables. The second and third models analyze the influence of Realist and Liberal variables respectively. The fourth model specifically focuses on variables which reflect the various socio-economic, political and logistical constraints of developing countries. The fifth model presents an integrated analysis of participation based on the previous models. Results of the study show that participation can be understood in terms of both the Realist and Liberal variables, and that there can be no rarefied partitioning of those factors on participation. More specifically, the study empirically demonstrates that state participation in IEAs is influenced by the following four main factors: (i) the impact of domestic and international institutions (ii) human development; (iii) power motivations; and (iv) IEA design. Policies proposed to increase participation in IEAs therefore have to enhance any positive influence exerted by these parameters, and mitigate their negative influences, if any.

Det har sedan lång tid tillbaka förekommit att svenska skattskyldiga försökt att undkomma beskattning i Sverige genom att gömma undan tillgångar utomlands i lågbeskattade länder, där sekretessen av information har varit stor. Lagstiftarna i Sverige har försökt att förhindra detta genom att tidigare infört den s.k. CFC-lagstiftningen. Syftet med lagstiftningen är att förhindra eller åtminstone försvåra att svenska skattskyldiga företar transaktioner med ut-ländska juridiska personer och genom det urholkar den svenska skattebasen. Lagstiftningen möjliggör att svenska skattskyldiga beskattas löpande för sin andel av det överskott som uppstår i utländska juridiska personer, oavsett om delägaren erhåller någon utdelning eller inte. De senaste åren har skatteavtal angående utbyte av information mellan Sverige och lågbe-skattade länder haft hög prioritet i regeringens arbete för att med denna metod säkerställa den svenska skattebasen. Sedan 2007 har över trettio avtal ingåtts med bl.a. länder som Schweiz, Luxemburg och Brittiska Jungfruöarna. Avtalen har till syfte att ge Skatteverket möjligheter att få tillgång till exempelvis bankinformation i utlandet och avtalen är även viktiga för att myndigheten ska kunna kontrollera svenskars inkomster och förmögenheter utomlands. Denna uppsats behandlar hur CFC-lagstiftningen bör komma att påverkas av de nya avta-len angående utbyte av information. I analysen fastställs att avtalen gällande informations-utbyte torde innebära att Sveriges CFC-lagstiftning blir effektivare till viss del, men att lag-stiftningens syfte skulle få ännu större inverkan med bättre avtal. Likväl fastställs att vid ett närmare samarbete mellan Sverige och de lågbeskattade länderna avseende flertalet förbätt-ringar torde CFC-lagstiftningen slutligen kunna bli överflödig. / There has since a long time occurred that Swedish taxpayers have tried to escape taxation in Sweden by concealing assets abroad in low tax countries, where the confidentiality of information has been large. Legislators in Sweden have tried to prevent this by earlier introduced the so-called CFC legislation. This legislation aims to prevent or at least make it more difficult for Swedish taxpayers to undertake transactions with foreign legal persons and by then eroding the Swedish tax base. The law allows the Swedish taxpayers to be taxed currently for their share of the surplus that arises in foreign legal persons, regardless of whether the shareholder receives dividend or not. In recent years tax treaties concerning exchange of information between Sweden and low tax countries have had high priority in the Government's work in order to secure the Swedish tax base by this method. Since 2007, over thirty agreements have been concluded with countries like Switzerland, Luxembourg and the British Virgin Islands. The agreements are intended to give The Swedish Tax Agency access to for example information from the bank abroad and the agreements are also important for the authority to monitor Swedes' incomes and assets abroad. This essay considers how the CFC legislation should be affected by the new agreements concerning exchange of information. The analysis determines that the agreements on exchange of information would probably mean that the Swedish CFC-legislation becomes more effective to some extent, but that the purpose of the legislation would have even greater impact with better agreements. Nevertheless it establishes that a closer cooperation between Sweden and the low taxed countries regarding improvements should mean that the CFC legislation would eventually become redundant.

In 1879 the buffalo disappeared from the Canadian North-West, leaving the Plains Indians in an extreme state of destitution. In accordance with its treaty commitments to the Indians, the federal government undertook the responsibility of feeding the Indians of Treaties Four, Six and Seven. The government, in addition, introduced the reserve agricultural program, which it was hoped would transform the Indians into a self-supporting agrarian people. While the initial costs of rationing the Indians and assisting them in farming operations were high, it was hoped that within a few years the government would be largely relieved of such expenditures.<p>In spite of the promising early returns made on reserves in the early 1880's the agricultural program did not succeed quickly enough to suit the government. One of the major reasons for the delay of the program was in fact the government's preoccupation with maintaining economy in Indian administration at all costs. When the government undertook a general reduction of expenditures on Indian administration in the North-West in 1833, any possibility of the reserve agricultural program succeeding was ended.<p>The actions of various Indian bands and leaders in the North-West during these years were characterized by a desire to achieve suitable terms which would permit their people to make the transition to the farming way of life. The general cutbacks in spending introduced in 1883, however, sparked the formation of an Indian political movement seeking improved conditions. This movement grew rapidly, and likely would have unified Indians from all sections of the North-West in insisting upon the renegotiation of the treaties during the summer of 1885, had the Metis not rebelled. Although Indian participation in the North-West Uprising of 1885 was limited, it prompted the adoption of a policy of repression by the government in dealing with the Indians. The plan of assisting the Indians in becoming self-sufficient farmers was forgotten, and they became the charges of the Department of Indian Affairs.