Thesis (M.S. in Leadership and Human Resource Development)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2002. / AD-A405 963. Thesis advisor(s): Susan Hocevar, William Kemple. Includes bibliographical references (p. 157-160). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009. / Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed July 6, 2010) John Duffield, committee chair; Jelena Subotic, Scott Graves, committee members. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56).

Military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq highlighted a key characteristic of contemporary Western civil- military relations. Today, a small group of volunteers fights a distant conflict while popular familiarity with military service and war declines. There is a disconnect between this way of war and enduring cultural understandings of the appropriate normative relationship between gender (particularly masculinity), military service, and citizenship. This study examines "support the troops" (StT) discourses in the United States and United Kingdom during the "global war on terror" (2001-2010) as a representation of this on-going transformation in gendered/ing civil-military relations. Methodologically, the study employs structured discourse analysis to map an original data set of previously unexamined documents produced by UK and US state and military officials, pro-military non-governmental organizations, peace and anti-war movements, and media. It is the first systematic social scientific study of the "support the troops" phenomenon. The patterns inductively generated within the mapping are interpreted using a poststructural (re)conceptualisation of the military as a discursive structural effect, as well a formal institution and social relation. The study argues that StT is a means of addressing the gendered civilian anxiety that accompanies non-service in wartime. It finds that StT is a political contestation over the appropriate normative structure of gendered civil-military relations. Through the articulation of three ideal-typical, intertwined logics of gendered political obligation, StT discourse reconstitutes military support, rather than military service, as the sine qua non of contemporary normative citizenship. Via a series of gendered associations and contrasts with "the troops", support is further produced as a means of military participation. Correspondingly, ostensibly separate "civil" society is (re)masculinised. Together, the underlying logics of gendered political obligation work to discursively instantiate and (re)produce an idealised vision of the political community, extending and legitimating the transnational liberal social order.

This is a submission for a PhD by portfolio on the subject of managing health services support to military operations. It is based upon my prior published work supported by an ‘action research’ analysis of the application of this prior knowledge to my experiences from spending a year in the South of Afghanistan from October 2009 to November 2010. The submission is structured around three thematic areas; medical planning to support military operations, management of military medical operations and international military medical engagement with indigenous health sectors. The submission presents evidence for my contribution to original thinking in each of these thematic areas by means of a review of my published work, my application of these concepts in support of NATO operations in Afghanistan and evidence of the impact of these concepts in influencing other military organisations. The first theme area on medical planning to support military operations will be supported by 3 monographs. These will describe the context of medical support to military operations in the current security environment, the use of the ‘estimate’ process to develop a medical plan and the analytical process termed ‘the casualty estimate’. The second theme covers the management of military medical operations. This is the largest section and contains monographs on pre-hospital helicopter medical evacuation, aeromedical evacuation movement between hospitals, managing casualty flows, deployed hospital care, and quality assurance of the medical system. The final theme covers international military medical engagement with medical support systems for indigenous security forces and indigenous civilian health systems. The closing section of this submission reflects on my two tours in Afghanistan comparing my recent experiences with my views at the end of my first tour in 2006/07. My whole thesis provides evidence of my considerable personal learning from my experiences managing medical support to military operations. This section will highlight how I have tried to share this experience both personally and across multiple stakeholder organisations to ensure my observations can be converted into lessons learned.

Après son installation à Chypre en 1192 en tant que suzerain de l’île, Guy de Lusignan centralise l’autorité militaire, afin d’instaurer la défense de sa nouvelle possession. En effet, l’île de Chypre a toujours fait l’objet de convoitises et de conquêtes. Poste avancé en Méditerranée, l’insularité de Chypre lui confère une protection naturelle face à ses voisins, ce qui ne l’empêche pas de subir des raids et des attaques de la part de ses voisins continentaux. Sous la souveraineté de l’Empire byzantin jusqu’au VIIe siècle, elle est conquise en 645 par les Arabes, puis récupérée en 965 par Nicéphore II Phocas. L’île accueille des guerres sur son sol au VIIe siècle, mais également des révoltes urbaines, notamment au XIe siècle. Ces révoltes isolées sont dues pour la plupart à l’éloignement de l’Empire. Les Chypriotes, Grecs pour la majorité d’entre eux, manifestent leur attachement à Byzance et rejettent de ce fait l’usurpation d’Isaac Comnène en 1184. Ce dernier est la cause de la guerre qui marque l’entrée de l’île de... / After settling on the island of Cyprus as the suzerain of the land in 1192, Guy de Lusignan first actions were to consolidate his authority and establish strong defences on his new holding. Cyprus has always been coveted and fought for: its geographical situation in the Mediterranean sea as well as its insularity provided a natural protection in front of its neighbours, but it never stopped the many attacks and raids. Ruling by the Byzantine empire until the VIIth century, the island is conquered by the Arabs in 645, and won back in 965 by Nicéphore II Bocas. Wars will be fought on the island during the VIIth century, but Cyprus will also be torn by revolts, particularly during the XIth century. Cypriots, Greeks for the most part, riot as a testimony of the bonds they feel for Byzantium and resent Isaac Comnène's usurpation in 1184. He will be the main cause of the war that will see Cyprus fall under Latin dominion in 1192. Even if the crusaders had already been using the island as a port of call since the XIth century, the island only became a part of the occidental ...

No description available.

No description available.

In 1995 Bedford County Public Schools in Bedford, Virginia, hired eight former military men to teach from a federally sponsored program known as Troops to Teachers. Only one of the men hired had completed a teacher licensure program; the other seven were utilizing the alternate route to licensure allowed by the Virginia Department of Education. These men were hired and placed in the classroom without any program especially designed for them by the division to assist in their transition from military life to the classroom. This study focuses on their first year as teachers. For this study, twenty-nine individuals were interviewed who were involved in the Troops to Teachers' first year experiences. Those interviewed were the eight Troops, seven Principals, eight Mentors, four Professors from the teacher licensure programs in which they were enrolled, the school division Superintendent and the Director of Instruction. Case studies were conducted using interviews to gather in-depth information using the key sources who worked with the Troop to Teachers participants. The interview protocols were developed to correlate with the research questions formulated for this study. Data obtained through interviews were analyzed. The findings indicated that the Troop to Teacher encountered some adjustment problems that are indicative of first year teachers. A number of problems encountered were unique to the individual Troop. The reliability and validity were solidified through triangulation of the interview data. At least two individuals were interviewed concerning each troop. Their experiences were categorized as follows: adjustments to education, adjustments to students, adjustments to instruction, support programs, barriers faced, job satisfaction, and suggestions for activities for future Troops to Teachers hired by Bedford County Public Schools. This study presents clear implications for practice. / Ed. D.

On 23 April 1964, five months after assuming the office of President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson launched the "More Flags" program as United States policy. While the publicly stated purpose of.the "More Flags" program was to obtain as much non-military free world aid for the Republic of Vietnam as possible, the program's principle goal centered around Lyndon Johnson's desire to obtain an international consensus for America's policies toward Vietnam and Southeast Asia. The "More Flags" program continued to serve both goals for the remainder of Johnson's presidency. Although started with high expectations of success, the "More Flags" program never succeeded in achieving the levels of international cooperation Lyndon Johnson desired. In fact, the program's significant lack of success necessitated a number of changes, during the program's first year, in both its stated goals and in the methods used to prosecute it's implementation. The most important of these changes would be Washington's use of the program's beneficent objectives to mask it's use as the means through which the United States would purchase mercenary troops to fight in South Vietnam. "Mercenaries in Service to America: The 'More Flags' Foreign Policy of the United States," presents the available history of the "More Flags" program during the years of the Johnson Presidency, with an emphasis on the documentation of the program's use as a disguise for America's obtaining mercenary forces from the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. The non-mercenary troop contributions from Australia and New Zealand are likewise examined. The majority of documentary evidence comes from the original sources documents in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library in Austin, Texas.

There is general consensus that mercenarism is and should remain prohibited. The difficulty that has arisen is firstly one of defining the exact nature of mercenarism, and more specifically what actions constitute mercenary actions. A further difficulty arises in that much of the legislation intended to outlaw mercenarism is impacting on the legal activity of private military and security contractors, who fall short of the definitional requirements of mercenarism. The two groups being so closely linked that they are often mistakenly conflated . There is currently a need to develop a response to the private military security industry, which is better suited to effectively regulate their activities, whilst also effectively criminalising the activities of those who actions amount to mercenarism. The dissertation therefore sets about analysing how these two distinct sectors: mercenaries and private military security companies, are regulated at an international and domestic level. It then uses the lessons learnt from these regulator attempts, and the various policy considerations which countries have to make, to propose a way forward in creating an effective regulatory system for mercenaries and private military companies at an international and domestic level. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.