Because You Previously Liked or Played is a poetry manuscript that attempts to respond to the Trump administration in a new way unique to the medium of poetry. Trump is the central, all-pervading subject of this text, but the rise of web 2.0 and new media which normalizes a quick and unrelenting consumption of information is another essential focal point. The manuscript works both within and against the various political channels, discourses, and entanglements, within and against the various ways these mediums affect and are affected by Trump. Ultimately, the problems associated with our information age inform much of the manuscript's sense of loss, confusion, and questioning, but they also give shape to a spirit of cultural critique, amounting to a register that both speaks from within but looks from outside the Trump-Technology continuum. In order to achieve this effect, the manuscript approaches this Trump-Technology continuum and the ensuing political climate from a variety of contradictory emotions and responses to the reality we find ourselves in via a multitude of psychological frames, outlooks, and experiences, however uncomfortable, that this presidency has altered. And it does this through poetry's unique ability to provide the reader with an embodied and immediate experience, to elicit thereby some human response to reality and to get us to see anew what we no longer see or have been overexposed to, with the aim to render a sort of complete presentation of the fractured social sphere as it actually is. In that sense, the manuscript achieves a certain level of authenticity. Torn between the want to diminish or counteract the Trump administration and the admission of its power over us all, the manuscript provides no easy answers, coping mechanism, or singularly coherent narrative, but rather gives voice to the factors that contribute to our current cultural moment and showcases the range and extent of Trump's influence over both the unexamined and overly examined aspects of our lives in a way that, I hope, is accurate, evocative, and honest.

Since Trump came to power, American diplomatic style has changed significantly, especially concerning China's strategy. With the background of the economic, political and diplomatic gap between China and America narrowing. Although Trump continues the previous government's 'Asia-Pacific rebalancing' strategy to some extent, he shows his unique style and is more realistic. At the same time, Trump's government's efforts to restructure Sino-U. S. relations are constrained by many factors. With the development and change of political and economic situations, new adjustments will be made to the U.S. policy towards China, and the development of Sino-U.S. relations will retain great plasticity. However, the right way for Sino-U.S. relations to go is to build a win-win relationship with benign competition. First of all, the development content of the U.S.'s China policy is considered. Second, the reasons for Trump's adjustment of China policy is explained. Then, an analysis of the impact of Trump's China policy proves that this series of competition has more negative than positive impacts. Finally, some measures and methods to enable the Trump administration to improve the foreign policy toward China, also the healthy development trends of China and the U.S. are proposed.

This thesis explores the how the media filtered the rhetoric of candidate Donald Trump, specifically concerning how both right wing and left wing media reported his campaign announcement speech in June of 2015.

The following thesis outlines the benefits of manufacturing in the United States because of the new Republican tax reform. House Speaker Paul Ryan and President Donald Trump have been proposing large corporate tax cuts, full expensing of capital expenditures, a border adjustment tax, and repatriation of foreign cash flows. These changes will encourage more corporations to manufacture in the USA because the USA will be more globally competitive, a key focus of the Republican administration.

Titel: State of the Donald - En kvantitativ innehållsanalys av svenska mediers gestaltning av den tillträdande amerikanska presidenten Donald Trump.
Författare: Carl-Johan Linde & Sarah Olsson
Antal ord: 10 560 Problemformulering: Det amerikanska valet 2016 beskrevs av många som ett av de allra smutsigaste och mest brutala valen i mannaminnen. Ett val som till slut kom att stå mellan två kandidater, nämligen Hillary Rodham Clinton och Donald J. Trump. Efter en lång och inte minst intensivt val, stod det under morgonen den 9 november 2016 svensk tid klart att det amerikanska folket valt att rösta fram Donald Trump som landets näste president. Detta blev ett valresultat som förvåna många människor och ett val som skapa ett massivt medialt intresse, inte minst i Sverige där det skrivit hela 114 000 artiklar. Men vilken bild av den blivande amerikanska presidenten är det vi svenskar får ta del av utifrån våra svenska medier. Hur väljer våra ledande svenska morgon- och kvällstidningar att gestalta den kommande amerikanska presidenten. Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att granska hur den blivande amerikanska presidenten Donald Trump gestaltats i olika svenska nyhetsmedier under valet 2016.
Metod och material: En kvantitativ innehållsanalys har genomförts bestående av totalt 146 analysenheter från Sveriges fyra ledande morgon- och kvällstidningar. Huvudresultat: Genom arbetet med denna studie har vi nått resultat som visar på att våra utvalda svenska morgontidningar visar på en majoritet av politiska spelgestaltningar. Vi ser därmed att delar utav resultat går i viss utsträckning i motsatta riktning mot den tidigare forskning som funnits kring området. Vår studie visar även att det är just kvällstidningarna och inte morgontidningarna som i en tydligare utsträckning genom perioden som vi valt att analysera, använda sig av just sakgestaltningar.

Thesis advisor: Laura E. Rumbley / This study examines the experiences of four higher education institutions as they respond to the current U.S. political climate and to the Trump administration’s policies on travel and immigration. It aims to understand and analyze the potential impact on the institutions’ internationalization priorities and engagement with their international students and to describe how those universities have reacted to national policies on foreigners and U.S. immigration. The study gathers information from six semi-structured interviews with university administrators and international student leaders at Babson College, the University of Massachusetts Boston, Boston College, and Bentley University. Data drawn from document-based research, including university webpages containing mission and vision statements, strategic plans, and press releases, among other data, help bring to symmetry the full scope of the institutions’ interpretations and actions in response to the political climate. The case study institutions report various levels of impact on their international activities as a result of the Trump administration’s immigration policies and the national politicization of anti-foreigner rhetoric. For example, heightened sensitivity to international recruitment and enrollment priorities demonstrates a prime area of concern among institutions. Senior administrators are motivated to express a campus-wide commitment to global engagement on their campuses. Institutions’ international offices respond ad hoc during critical times to accommodate increases in international student support and to solve pressing issues. Opportunities for sustaining the drive of institutions to engage deeply and meaningfully in activities that foster and enhance support for their international student populations and internationalization strategies, and future areas of research are also discussed. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

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Why did Americans vote for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential election? Social scientists have proposed a variety of explanations, including economic dissatisfaction, sexism, racism, Islamophobia, and xenophobia. The current study establishes that, independent of these influences, voting for Trump was, at least for many Americans, a symbolic defense of the United States’ perceived Christian heritage. Data from a national probability sample of Americans surveyed soon after the 2016 election shows that greater adherence to Christian nationalist ideology was a robust predictor of voting for Trump, even after controlling for economic dissatisfaction, sexism, anti-black prejudice, anti-Muslim refugee attitudes, and anti-immigrant sentiment, as well as measures of religion, sociodemographics, and political identity more generally. These findings indicate that Christian nationalist ideology—although correlated with a variety of class-based, sexist, racist, and ethnocentric views—is not synonymous with, reducible to, or strictly epiphenomenal of such views. Rather, Christian nationalism operates as a unique and independent ideology that can influence political actions by calling forth a defense of mythological narratives about America’s distinctively Christian heritage and future.

This thesis uses Benedict Anderson's theoretical contributions on the topic of national identity and Michel Foucault's contributions toward discourse analysis to perform a discursive analysis of Donald Trump's campaign speeches in which he exploits pre-existing anti-immigration sentiments among certain voters to gain political power. The research question addressed herein is: How has Donald Trump invoked the issue of national security to single out groups of immigrants as threats to U.S. national security, and what conditions exists so that he is able to do so in a way that enlists the support of a sizeable portion of the American public? First, this thesis works to put into context what drove post-World War II immigration in the U.S. to provide insight into what conditions lead to certain groups being encouraged or discouraged from immigrating. Second, I contrast Anderson's concept of nationalism with that of Samuel Huntington, whose idea of nationalism more closely aligns with Trump's nativist sense of national identity. Third, having put the history of U.S. immigration and the concept of national identity into context, I perform a discursive analysis of three of Trump's campaign speeches and tweets that focus on immigration and make problematic his racist, far-right ideology and its purpose toward the de-politicization and de-historicization of immigration as a national security and economic issue. I conclude by reminding the reader that allowing anti-immigrant discourse to become normalized without the burden of proof can lead to curbed freedoms under an authoritarian regime, a direction toward which Trump appears ready and willing to lead the American electorate. / Master of Arts

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