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Very little scholarship has been published on politics in Tunisia in the last two decades, resulting in scant coverage of the country’s political relations with the European Union (EU). Likewise, few studies of the EU’s democracy promotion and Mediterranean policies have provided any in-depth analysis of Tunisia. Meanwhile, much has been made by scholars of role played by democracy promotion in the EU’s foreign policy, particularly focusing on understandings of the Union as a ‘normative power’ or as an advocate of the ‘democratic peace theory’. By assessing EU democracy promotion in Tunisia, this thesis argues that democracy promotion has become a predominantly functional part of this foreign policy; its principal role being a means of realising the Union’s principal objectives of achieving security and stability for Europeans. By analysing the discourse of actors involved with the EU’s democracy promotion, the thesis traces a shift in EU policy from a more normative position in the mid-1990s to a more realist and securitised one since the turn of the twenty-first century. Tunisia has evolved over the last two centuries as a state strongly committed to European-influenced socio-economic reforms, but reforms which have led to little political contestability and few changes in government. However, as the EU forged a new approach to its Mediterranean neighbours, it established the promotion of democracy in its neighbours as an integral part of its foreign and security policies. Democracy was to be promoted in Tunisia within multilateral and holistic policy frameworks, such as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and by a range of methods that encourage reform of many levels of the region’s societies. Yet it appears that these reforms are failing to deliver the political reforms they once promised. Furthermore, democracy is gradually slipping off the EU’s agenda, and its policy objectives converge with those of the Tunisian government as security concerns come to dominate its policy discourses. In the Tunisian context at least, democracy is a purely utilitarian device used to achieve security. When that security already exists, democracy loses its utility, and fades from its once prominent place in the EU policy in Tunisia.

The thesis discusses the progress or lack thereof of in the Middle East, specifically Egypt to achieve "democracy". It will critically explore the reasons why the Arab Spring happened, what were the factors and what changed in Egypt during those times until the present. I will show how it was before the revolution in Egypt which toppled ex-president Mubarak, examine the transition phase when ex-president Morsi was in power, and at the end the second revolution or coup d'état by current president El-Sisi. With that said Egypt will be compared with the other countries in the region; Tunisia, Libya and Syria, and we will see what are some of the similarities in the revolutions as well as some of the differences.

Focusing on the context of post-uprising Tunisia and using a gender lens, I explore gender and body politics through embodied social protest. I examine the post-uprising constitutional and decision-making processes as well as discursive representations in the Constitution and the role of protesting and legitimacy in shaping institutional tools and mechanisms. I draw attention to the status of women and the LGBTQI++ community as well as vulnerable individuals and their role in social change during the country’s democratic transition by analyzing narratives and discourses around protesting and bodily rights and themes such as legibility/illegibility. I complement my analysis with three qualitative, in-depth interviews with three Tunisian activists; I also reflect on my personal experience as a former reporter and student-activist during and post uprisings. I conclude that the emergence of new forms of mobilization and discourses create unique possibilities to negotiate power and gender norms

L’imaginaire des français ayant émigré en Tunisie au cours de la période coloniale dite du Protectorat fut particulièrement riche ; en attestent les témoignages des nombreux auteurs qui se sont essayés à le traduire sur le papier. La présente thèse se propose de mettre à l’étude l’ère coloniale de la Tunisie d’un point de vue littéraire, via une approche systémique des textes et du regard posé par les auteurs sur un exil consenti dans la Tunisie française. Un exil, mais aussi un retour en Métropole, pour nombre d’entre eux, qui vécurent la fin du Protectorat et la difficulté d’un nouvel exil dans un pays qui était leur sans l’être tout à fait. Le choix analytique s’est porté sur une étude imagologique de la question, qui envisagera la notion complexe d’imaginaire du point de vue de la mythanalyse, avant d’en vérifier les composantes, appliquées à la thématique de la Tunisie coloniale. A ce sujet, la littérature apparaît comme l’objet d’étude idéal pour mettre en exergue la richesse de l’imaginaire des français de Tunisie, à travers la grande diversité des types de supports : mémoires, témoignages,romans, documents personnels, documents photographiques, etc. Enfin, l’expérience personnelle de l’auteur de cette thèse dans le contexte du Protectorat français en Tunisie permettra d’envisager la question entre objectivité analytique et analyse subjectivée. / The imaginary of the French people who emigrated in Tunisia during the colonial period called the French protectorate was particularly rich as indicated by the myriad of testimonies from many authors who dabbled in writing it down on paper. This thesis seeks to study the Tunisian colonial era from a literary perspective through a systematic approach of the texts and the vision of the authors on the assented exile of French Tunisia. An exile, but also a return to the main land. For many of them who lived the end of the French protectorate, the difficulty was to move to a country which was their own, but not entirely. The choice of the analytical method relies on an imagology study of this matter which will assess the complex notion of imaginary from the myth-analysis point of view. Then the different components will be verified and applied to the context of colonial Tunisia. Regarding the latter topic, literature seems to be the ideal approach to study and highlight the richness of the imaginary of the French Tunisians through the great diversity of texts available : memoirs, testimonies, novels, personal documents, photographes, etc. Finally, the personal experience of the author in the context of the French protectorate in Tunisia will allow to consider the topic via analytical objectivity and a subjective analysis.

La question des effets de la promotion des ventes sur le comportement du consommateur est souvent traitée dans la littérature, en revanche peu de travaux s’intéressent à l’impact de la communication promotionnelle en prospectus. Cette recherche se consacre à l’étude des déterminants de la recherche d’information promotionnelle dans le prospectus et à la réponse comportementale du consommateur en termes de choix du point de vente compte tenue des offres promotionnelles communiquées.Le corpus théorique se rapportant au comportement de recherche d’information promotionnelle et au comportement de choix du point de vente, ainsi que l’étude qualitative exploratoire contribuent à la construction du modèle conceptuel et la définition des hypothèses.Une étude quantitative auprès d’un échantillon composé de 460 consommateurs identifie les motivations et les caractéristiques des consommateurs qui cherchent le plus l’information promotionnelle dans le prospectus. En effet, la sensibilité à la promotion, la recherche de l’exploration, l’économie de temps perçue, l’appréciation positive des caractéristiques du prospectus et les variables socio-démographiques (l’âge, le revenu et la taille du foyer) sont les variables qui déterminent une recherche élevée d’information promotionnelle dans le prospectus. Par ailleurs, la recherche d’information promotionnelle influence positivement la réactivité promotionnelle et son impact sur le comportement de choix du point de vente est modéré par l’implication envers l’achat programmé. / In literature, sales promotion effects on consumer behavior are often documented, however few researches have investigated the impact of promotional communication through store flyers. This work is dedicated to study the determinants of promotional information search on flyers and the consumer behavioral response in terms of store choice having regard to communicated promotional offers.The theoretical corpus relating to promotional information search behaviour and to store choice behaviour, as well as the exploratory qualitative study contribute to the construction of the conceptual model and the definition of the hypothesis.A quantitative study with a sample of 460 consumers identifies the motivations and the characteristics of consumers who seek more promotional information on store flyers. Indeed, the deal proneness, the exploration search, the perceived time saving, the positive appreciation of flyers characteristic and the socio-demographics variables (age, incomes, household size) are the variables that determines a high promotional information search level in store flyers. Furthermore, the search of promotional information positively influences the promotional reactivity, and its impact on store choice behavior is moderated by involvement with the planned purchase.

Essais sur l'économie de l'éducation. / As stated by the World Bank “education is a powerful driver of development and of the strongest instruments for reducing poverty and improving health, gender equality, peace and stability”. Moreover, yearly years of education are crucial for developing attitudes, values and skills which are permanent for entire life. However, education analyses are generally reduced to the academic learning while other aspects related to fair social system insuring equal access to education is neglected by policy makers in developing countries. Access to learning, success at secondary school and opportunity of higher education is socially and spatially conditioned. Despite the increase of the school enrolment, there remain a large number of students who fail to meet minimum standards of literacy and there are left behind. These students are generally coming from economically deprived backgrounds and their exclusion from school has several consequences for social cohesion, economic growth and for regional development. Equal access to education should be guaranteed by giving importance to the socioeconomic environment such as parents’ educational attainment which presents an important predictor of children education. As stated by the OECD (2013), “If your parents didn’t go to university, it is unlikely you will”. Indeed, parents are first educators of children and their educational attainments reflect the level of quality care provided for them. Government investment in primary education is crucial for learning continuity even though the quality of secondary education is of big interest especially for girls because they represent future mothers. This may represent an important reason to promote educational attainment for actual and future generations. Another type of educational determinants is the school quality. Participatory pedagogy, updated skills of teachers, procurement of adequate instructional material, etc., are important factors that can improve primary educational efficiency and reduce school dropout.

Texas A&M University of the United States and the Institute National Agronomique de Tunisie (INAT) of Tunisia established a collaborative relationship of mutual exchange of information and ideas for the further advancement of both universities. The researcher worked closely with these universities to conduct a qualitative study in Tunisia to determine the effectiveness of agricultural institutions working to further development in that country. The emphasis of the study was on the transference of knowledge and innovations from the research level through extension to the farmers and other end users. The triangle of teaching, research, and extension provided a base perspective. The researcher interviewed 37 respondents, including researchers, extension personnel, administration, professors, and farmers. From data that respondents provided, the researcher used a constant comparative method to organize results into the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats of the agricultural institutions as a system. Overarching themes included a pointed focus on meeting farmer needs, but this desire was hindered from being carried out fully due to complex communication systems and an organizational structure that did not facilitate change. Hope did abound for Tunisian agriculturalists because the opportunities available through globalization and international collaboration far outweighed any possible threats to development, such as fierce competition in trade and lack of quality water. The researcher also made specific recommendations based on the information gathered in the study. These recommendations were based on the findings of the study, and they were directed to leaders within the Tunisian agriculture system and other agriculturalists wishing to further development in countries facing similar situations as Tunisia.

By looking at the hijab in context in the political, social, and domestic spheres of Tunisia, one gains a clearer understanding of the hijab’s complexity and a clearer understanding of each of those spheres. Politically, the condemnation of the hijab reveals the tension between the dominant, secular party and the Islamist movement, and the political oppression still prevalent in Tunisia. Socially, the wearing of the hijab reveals the tension between Orientalist perceptions of the hijab and the desire of Muslim feminists to create an authentically Islamic meaning of the hijab compatible with feminist ideas. Domestically, the hijab reveals the tension that remains between localized structures of patriarchy and individual women’s pursuit of liberation beyond emancipation and secularization. Despite the reforms established in the Personal Status Code and the secularization campaign by the government, they are not enough to completely alter negative domestic perceptions of women.