Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 2000. / Title from title page screen, viewed July 31, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Louis G. Perez (chair), Lawrence W. McBride, Sharon S. MacDonald. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 340-370) and abstract. Also available in print.

Looking at census reports, county commissioners court minutes, Freedmen's Bureau records, manuscript collections, and secondary material, this study investigates the effects of Military Reconstruction, 1867-1870, on Dallas County, Texas. There were few lasting or long-term changes for the area. The county was isolated from communities to the east and south that encountered different effects. There was a small black and Unionist population and virtually no carpetbaggers. Succumbing to apathy in the 1868 election that produced a Republican constitutional convention, county Conservatives successfully determined not to let it happen again and were "redeemed" in 1870. The white population of the county, increasing rapidly during this period, contributed to an attitude that pushed Radical Reconstruction aside and focused on prosperity and growth.

"As the American Civil War was brought to a close in April, 1865, the entire nation was plunged into an era which was characterized by unrest and turmoil. The North had before it the task of reconstructing the former Confederate states so that they would be able to resume their former positions in national councils, while the South was called on to adjust to a way of life which was drastically different. In military District Five, formed as a result of congressional control, as in the rest of the South, continued post-war controversy has tended to becloud appraisals of the period of military reconstruction. A fair evaluation requires examination of the primary sources inasmuch as secondary works on the era have continued to reflect sectional viewpoints. Such an evaluation reveals the need for a comprehensive re-interpretation of the entire era of military control of reconstruction under the congressional plan. This analysis of military government in District Five represents such a re-interpretation of one area of the post-war South."-- leaf iii.

It is the purpose of this thesis to define wherein the social order of the South was disrupted, --- the conditions that brought about such a sweeping transformation of social structures --- and to show the growth of new social attitudes and practices evolving from the chaotic dismemberment of the old. Although primary significance is placed upon changes in the social order, it is necessary to consider certain political and economic trends that were interwoven into the fabric of social life during Reconstruction --- factors influencing, determining, or evolving from, social changes. In the first chapter is sketched briefly the ante-bellum society of the South, and in following chapters is shown the evolution of social culture during the first twelve years following the Civil War.

Unitarian preacher and Union Army officer Liberty Billings arrived in Florida in 1863 with the First South Carolina Volunteer Infantry. Billings settled in Fernandina and became active in Florida Reconstruction politics as a Radical Republican. Most ot the rhetoric regarding Billings focuses on his participation in the 1868 Florida Constitution Convention even though he went on to be State Senator and an influential citizen in Fernandina. This thesis examines the life of Liberty Billings focusing on events preceding and following the Convention. In doing so, it argues that Billings' participation in Reconstruction politics derived from his experiences prior to the Civil War as did his transition from emancipationist to reconciliationist. By examining the earlier years of Billings' life as well as the evidence of his campaigns during 1867, his term as State Senator and Supreme Court cases, it will be demonstrated that Billings abandoned racial equality for class supremacy. / by Rhonda V. Asarch. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

The post Civil War period known as Reconstruction remains a topic of interest for historians. Having avoided the experience of invasion by Northern troops during the Civil War, the people living in the interior of the state of Texas accepted Confederate defeat at first. However, with the instituting of Northern efforts at Reconstruction, such as the installation of Republican interim government officials, the arrival of Freedmen's Bureau agents, and in some parts the stationing of federal troops, conservative whites throughout the state became defiant toward the federal government and its policies. Some white southerners even went so far as to take up arms and become embroiled in open conflict with the federal government and its local institutions. As a result, Unionist whites and freedmen found themselves to be the targets of groups of desperados committed to upholding the Southern Cause and ensuring the return of the conservative Democratic party to power in Texas politics. This study focuses on Hunt County from the years 1860 - 1873 to determine to what extent violence played a role in the era of Reconstruction. An analysis of data primarily from county, state, and federal records forms the basis of this study. The information obtained through research suggests that violence played a major role in Hunt County during Reconstruction as a political weapon used to eradicate Republican institutions and efforts.

This study traces the public life of Stephen Dorsey chronologically from his service in the Civil War to the end of his political career, which came with his failure to have a friend appointed governor of New Mexico Territory in 1889. Traditional interpretations of Dorsey are based on a combination of scant evidence, carpetbagger stereotypes, and the assumption that he was guilty of masterminding the monumental swindle of the Star Route Frauds. Closer examination of Dorsey's public life, however, reveals that this traditional view is distorted. A major conclusion of this study is that the assumption on which most traditional views of Dorsey are based, that he was the mastermind behind the Star Route Frauds, is not supported by the evidence. This study shows that it is impossible to study a Gilded Age political figure without also considering his business interests. Many of Dorsey's political activities, for example his involvement in the Compromise of 1877, can be traced to his business enterprises. Although Dorsey was not entirely innocent in the frauds, he was not guilty of the crimes with which the government charged him. This study also concludes that Dorsey was left vulnerable to the prosecution which ended his career in national politics by the peculiarly personal nature of the Republican party in the Gilded Age. That personal control had contributed to Dorsey's rise to power in the Republican party; it also led to his destruction.

"This thesis proposes to investigate the theory posed by Comer Vann Howard in 'The Strange Career of Jim Crow.' Woodward claims that complete physical segregation of Negroes was not legally established in the Southern states until the turn of the century. He further contends the period from Reconstruction until the 1890s was an era when Negroes participated in many activities with whites. This work investigates Woodward's theory in its applicability to Texas between 1874 and 1898. The study begins with redemption, which came to Texas in 1874 with the election of the first Democratic governor since the Civil War. The concluding year of 1896 was chosen because the last Negro to serve in the Texas Legislature ended his term that year."-- leaf [i].

"The primary concern of this work is to present a clearer picture of the Reconstruction period in Texas, particularly as it relates to the black. Little consideration is given to those blacks elected to public office; rather concern is placed on those outside the then 'Establishment.' To view the black in terms of those elected to public office only presents a distorted picture and negates the influence blacks had on electoral politics. In the main, evidence presented by most historians writing on this period has tended to ignore a major factor which has influenced Texas politics, namely violence. Those who acknowledge the presence of this violence tended to 'understand' the southern white and thus justify the use of this violence. The influence of violence is massive and some attempt must be made to understand the actual way in which it was directed. Here it is only established that violence was racial with some political overtones. There is no doubt that further research will prove very valuable in understanding this period."-- leaf 1.

"Perhaps no phase of American history has been more written about than the Reconstruction period, but few historians seriously consider the role of the Negroes during this period. It is the purpose of this thesis to show the part played by the Negroes during the Reconstruction of the states of Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana and the factors which led to their ascendancy to political leadership. Most historians give a one-sided view of this period of Reconstruction, playing down the role of the Negroes with the assumption that they were members of an inferior race and incapable of contributing anything constructive to American history. An examination of the facts, however, discloses that the Negroes did contribute a great deal to American history during their brief role in politics. Many of the Negro office holders, usually considered ignorant and illiterate, were well trained and well educated and displayed considerable ability in their particular offices. Contributions of these Negro leaders have merely been obscured by bitterness in partisan politics, and more objective study of Reconstruction will inevitably alter the traditional picture of the Negro political leaders." -- leaf iv.