Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity International University, 2004. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-187).

The content of this thesis is the evaluation of the United States' tax system. The paper describes particular taxes, its influence on the government budget and the tax policy in the states. The work includes an international comparison of various tax systems among OECD countries, Japan and the U.S. The first part observes general economic indicators of the U.S. The second part describes the historical development of particular taxes since the U.S. Declaration of Independence. The third part is dedicated to tax legislation, description of main taxes, its structures and concepts where all taxes are divided for the simplicity into direct, indirect, property and others taxes. The next part reflects framework for tax analysis. And the last part of the thesis consists of basic comparison between the United States, Japan and OECD counties. The analysis in the last chapter is applicable for the last decade. The conclusion presents main results of analysis and description performed in the work.

Legal systems such as those in the United States and Canada, which include fundamental rights of political morality in their constitutions, present an interesting and difficult problem for legal positivists. Are such moral standards to count among the existence or validity conditions of laws, or are they better understood as fundamental objectives or justification conditions which laws may or may not achieve or respect in practice? The first option, known as inclusive legal positivism, expands the traditional positivist separation thesis to mean that although there is no necessary connection between law and morality in general, it is possible that in some systems it is a necessary truth that laws reproduce or satisfy certain demands of morality. The second option, known as exclusive legal positivism, denies this possibility, and maintains instead that it is never a necessary condition that laws reproduce or satisfy certain demands of morality, even if such demands are constitutionally recognized. On the exclusive account, in the context of constitutional states such as the U.S. and Canada, the separation thesis is expanded to mean that there is no necessary connection between the existence and content of laws and the demands of political morality typically included in constitutions. In this thesis I defend exclusive positivism and argue that it best follows from the traditional positivist commitment to separate existence conditions oflaw from justification conditions of law, and further, avoids what I take to be decisive problems with inclusive positivism. Specifically, I argue that Joseph Raz's notion of a directed power, and not reliance on an inclusive rule of recognition, best explains the duty of judicial review in Charter cases. The fundamental rights of political morality recognized in the Charter are best understood as constitutional objectives which all subordinate laws in Canada ought to respect, yet may fail to do so in practice. Finally, I argue that the concepts, distinctions, and arguments deployed in the internal positivist debate are also of value in the wider and ongoing debate between H.L.A. Hart and Ronald Dworkin over the nature of law. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2004. / Thesis directed by James C. Turner for the Department of History. "April 2004." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 871-916).

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Yale Divinity School, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1-15, 2nd sequence).

Presidentvalet 2020 slog rekord i USA, det slogs inte bara röstningsrekord pån nationell nivå utan flertalet delstater såg det högsta valdeltagandet någonsin. USA har sedan mitten av 1900-talet haft ett mycket lågt valdeltagande. Då presidentvalet 2020 slog ett över 100 år gammalt rekord finns det tecken som tyder på att det amerikanska valdeltagandet blir allt högre. Den här uppsatsen har därför som mål att undersöka och utforska de faktorer som kan ha bidragit till att amerikanerna valde att gå man ur huse för att lägga sina röster. Tidigare studier om valdeltagandet i USA har fokuserat på varför amerikaner inte röstar, den har uppsatsen menar finna en förklaring till varför amerikaner faktiskt röstar och hur det har bidragit till det rekordhöga valdeltagandet. Uppsatsen antar att det är skiftande värderingar som ligger bakom det ökande valdeltagandet, till exempel att bosatta på landsbygden besitter materialistiska värderingar och att stadsbor besitter postmaterialistiska värderingar. Vidare antas det att det under det sena 1900-talet skedde ett kulturellt skifte och att vi idag ser en motreaktion till den vilket har gjort den amerikanska väljaren mer aktiv, samt att den amerikanska väljaren har blivit mer engagerad, både politiskt och icke-politiskt vilket har bidragit till ökad kompetens bland väljarkåren. / The U.S. Presidential election of 2020 was record-breaking. It was the first time in over 100 years that the United States had seen such high voter turnout. Since the mid20th century, the U.S. has seen a very low voter turnout, but it has been on the incline in later years. Therefore, this essay aims to research and explore the potential factors behind the increasing number of voters. Previous studies on voter turnout in the U.S.have focused on why Americans do not vote. This essay, in contrast, aims to find the potential causes as to why the American voter has become more active than previously. The essay assumes that there are different values amongst those living in urban and rural areas, contributing to the increased voter turnout. It is also assumed that there was a shift from materialistic values to post-materialistic values during the latter half of the 20th century, and the increasing number of voters is due to a reaction towards this shift. What is more, the essay assumes that the American voter has become more engaged, both politically and non-politically, making the American voter more competent and more trusting of their abilities.

Thesis advisor: Rebecca Nedostup / As my friends and I look forward to graduating this 2004, we are burdened with the task of carrying ourselves as delegates and agents of our respective societies. The challenge is even more exhaustive in the sense that the global landscape has been significantly altered as such so that we now live in a world which runs on a new breed of geopolitics; theories of interdependence perpetually interlock nation states in enduring fellowships of cooperation. Keeping this and the lessons that we've learned (both in the classroom and otherwise) in mind, there is an urgency to prevent and avoid future mass conflicts and ensure peaceful change. While this remains a worthy objective, the scope and complexities of modern-day world politics demands an understanding of a much wider range of issues. Moreover, new conceptual frameworks and theories are required to improve our understanding and assist in the development of better policies and practices. By human nature there naturally exists self-imposed obstacles and boundaries, which threaten to hinder progress. A more sophisticated knowledge and thorough education become essential countermeasures to safeguard growth and development. Within the realm of a research paper, the investigation and analysis of this subject can hardly be brought to a satisfactory conclusion within a reasonable amount of time. Therefore I choose to concentrate on the mechanisms, which shape the relationship between two highly visible, dominant and powerful global antagonists: the United States of America and the People's Republic of China. With the end of the Cold War era and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States was solidified as the most potent contender in the international arena. This title endured relatively undisputed and has remained fairly unchanged for the next decade thereafter. Interestingly enough though it was during this same period that China was concurrently grabbing headlines with its rapid development in many sectors. Analysts, professionals and experts are all in concurrence when they predict that by the first half of the 21st century this traditional Asian powerhouse will have met or surpassed the United States in stature and influence. It is reasonable, and accurate, to assume that US-Sino relations will have an unparalleled influence within the spectrum of international cooperation politically, culturally, and economically. Presently nations are vigilantly forming implicit alliances as they conceptually allocate themselves in favorable positions for the resurrection of a bipolar global infrastructure. From my delimited personal experience, I have unfortunately discovered a significant number of my peers are ignorant of these developing trends and the implications of this interrelationship. The purpose of this thesis is to converse with an audience comprised of individuals similar to those that I have met in these past four years, namely: intelligent and educated young Americans who are simply not informed of the nature, potential and circumstances surrounding US-Sino relations and policy. In this light, I intend to further specify the concentration of this study largely on the relationship that western media has with US-Sino relations. There will be a special emphasis and focus on the modern issue of human rights and trade. Furthermore, the bulk of the analysis will be limited within the timeframe of the three most recent American presidencies: George Bush (1989-1993), Bill Clinton (1993-2001), and George W. Bush (2001-present). The purpose of the first chapter is to give the reader a solid idea of the general issues that have plagued US-Sino relations in recent modern history. Again from personal experience it has come to my attention that the average American student has a narrow education concerning US-Sino relations often pervaded with misconceptions, which are not compensated for in personal readings. This recess of knowledge is particularly apparent concerning all episodes and trends that took place prior to the birth and maturation of our generation; mainly everything that took place before the early post-Cold war era of the 1980's. I feel that in order to have a solid grasp of current US-Sino relations, one must construct a respectable appreciation and foundation of knowledge concerning the historical events that took place from 1971 to the present.After this brief history lesson the thesis will explore the composite components that make up the media. It is from these resources that most college students in American draw their first and sometimes, only, impression of US-Sino relations. This section attempts to create a framework by which the media is broken down into its fundamental and more understandable elements. It is necessary to analyze the fabrics of the media; from the concept of self-perception, stereotypes, propaganda, and interest groups to the purpose that it serves as a median by which images of diplomatic-strategy are marketed. In short, the second chapter attempts to place the western media in a comprehensible light, enough so that the reader may continue with the remainder of the thesis with enough insight to make educated judgments. The dilemma between trade incentive and democratic moral ground is the key example that this thesis will use to illustrate the behavior of the mass media and the manners in which it can exert pressure on policy-making. Thus, a more mature understanding of the human rights debate is required. The third chapter explores the human rights issue in depth; tracing the evolution of the issue through contemporary history whilst highlighting this narrative with headlines from the press and mass media. The third chapter will additionally explore economics and trade relations in a similar manner using samples taken from primary sources. Finally, the core debate concerning these two issues will be scrutinized, analyzed and illustrated with headlines and proper examples from the media. In this realm analysis will naturally require some elements of subjective interpretation to hold any meaning. It is my hope that my audience will be able to walk away with that cultivated and deeper understanding not only of the media's capacity in shaping US foreign policy towards China but also the misleading conclusion that are often drawn from such a habit. It is important to keep in mind that perceptual gaps whether based on diverging cultures, histories, ideologies or all three, can be dangerous mental barriers. Because a significant portion of this thesis will also be concentrating on the manner in which lucrative trade and investment potential more often than not edge out the human rights concerns in modern US-Sino relations debates, the moral of the story will have to be interpreted by the reader him/herself. However, due to the fact that these issues, as well as the periphery issues that surround it, are so new and in a state of constant re-evolution, the fluidity of the subject makes it fairly difficult to draw conclusions. Moreover, it is also rather problematic to make firm stances and opinions either for one side or the other but I will write briefly on my own thoughts and opinions. Thus, ultimately I write this thesis in hopes to raise the issue of US-Sino cooperation into the consciousness of the young American mindset by providing an intelligent background upon which they may draw their own summations while being conscious of the influential ideas propagated by the media and the press around them. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Bethel Seminary, St. Paul, MN, 2008. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 258-268).

The purpose of this thesis was to examine the unique and interactive effects of job stress (overtaxation, organizational, and management stress), religious coping (positive and negative), and church-based social support (received, provided, and anticipated) on the subsequent psychological outcomes (well-being and distress) among a national sample of Presbyterian clergy. The data were drawn from the February 1997 and November 1999 Presbyterian Church (U.S.A) Panel Study. Clergy currently serving a local congregation were included in the analyses (N = 521). Findings indicate that overtaxation, organizational, and management job stressors tend to increase subsequent levels of psychological distress, while organizational and management job stressors tend to decrease subsequent levels of psychological well-being. Consistent with prior research and with Lazarus and Folkman's Transactional Model of Stress and Coping, positive religious coping predicted subsequent psychological well-being. Finally, the findings from this study supported the stress-buffering effects of social support received from church members, indicating that this type of support may protect clergy from the damaging psychological effects of overtaxation and burnout over an extended period of time. This thesis concludes with a call for seminaries, denominations, and local churches to provide clergy serving in local church ministry with the social support they need. Doing so will enhance the psychological well-being of clergy, thus improving their personal capacity to effectively provide support to their church members and others in the community who seek their counsel. / text

無 / Walls provide not only physical but also ideological boundaries between neighbors. They can be seen as a symbol of protection or segregation. Using as stimulus the security fence between Mexico and the United States, this study aims to identify the main frames in American and Mexican political cartoons to decode the different messages and symbolism towards the border wall through which one can understand the U.S.-Mexico border issue as seen in the newspapers from the two countries. Using a qualitative analysis, the thesis studies 34 American and 69 Mexican cartoons from dailies that are representative of the press in the two countries. The cartoons evidence the use of six frames and symbolism: Death of migrants and the renegotiation of NAFTA were exclusively used by the Mexican papers. The freedom issue and the divisive nature of the wall balanced in both countries’ cartoons and the main preoccupations of the United States cartoons concerned the country’s double standard of hiring illegal migrant laborers while at the same rejecting an immigration agreement with Mexico. This study’s original contribution serves as a small step in the long road of empirical database expansion in framing political cartoons and the symbolism behind the portrayal of barriers.