Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of Economics. / "Abstract of a Dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of Economics." Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This paper attempts to examine some major correlates of union political policies. It seeks to develop more fully and test a hypothesis advanced by S. M. Lipset that the political activities of trade unions are related to the social values of the society in which unions operate. A brief exposition of the values dominant in American society suggests that they may be related to the political neutralism so characteristic of American unions. Similarly, the deep and continuing involvement in party politics, so characteristic of European unions, appears to be related to values dominant in European countries. In Canada where both American and European values serve as models political policies of unions have been far less uniform than those of American or European labour organizations. Convention records show, that Canadian craft unions, until recently followed the example set by most American unions and stayed aloof from party politics. Instead they attempted to influence political authority through pressure group activities. Industrial unions, however, followed the example set by European labour organizations and supported the programme of a Socialist party. D.B.S. records indicate that from 1946 to 1957 craft unions experienced far less unemployment than industrial unions. When, after 1957, unemployment in Canada increasingly affected craft organizations many of these also joined the ranks of their industrial colleagues in supporting a Socialist party. Such findings suggest that unionists, like Canadians generally, are exposed to two sets of different value standards. Whether they find the European or the American model more appealing appears to be related to their economic well being. The lack of concern with the state and the emphasis on individual achievement and competition inherent in American values need a climate of relatively high economic security in order to survive among Canadian unionists. In the absence of such security most Canadian workers give up the 'American dream'. Instead they tend to realize their common interest and voice demands for 'a change of the system’. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

The study explored the involvement of teacher unions in the selection process of school principals in Johannesburg Central Region. It was conducted in pursuit of reality from stakeholders involved in the appointment processes in order to get their views and experiences on the issue of the involvement of teacher unions in the selection processes of principals. This was a qualitative study based on the phenomenological design. It was conducted in two schools. A total of eight participants were purposefully sampled: two principals, two SGB representatives and four teacher unions’ representatives. The data were collected using individual interviews. Four themes emerged from the data in this study. The findings revealed that there is subjectivity and unfairness in the selection processes of principals. The Department of Education ought to review the involvement of teacher unions in the appointment of principals to public schools. / Educational Management and Leadership

This work has grown from, and come to supercede, an honours dissertation written on roughly the same area of interest. broader though. The scope of this work is significantly There are two major foci of interest, which, it is hoped, blend to provide a more representative overview of this particular period. The first focus rests on Johannesburg for the reason that it was South Africa's most rapidly developing industrial centre; It was here that the predominant capitalist social formations were most truly represented. The other focus turns on the ICU and its peculiar development. The closing chapters are an attempt to locate the ICU in Johannesburg, to look at the manner in which the ICU might or might not have resonated the feeling of the people of that city. The period in which this thesis is set, l9l7 to 1930, possibly witnessed some of the earliest attempts to seize in harness the 'black' labour force, to manipulate and control its movements at the urban level. The Pass Laws and urban regulations, statutorily sanctioned by the Urban Areas Act of 1923, nurtured a proletarian class, hampered not only in its ability to live where it chose, but in its very ability to sell its labour power. The effect which these measures gave rise to is of immense interest. For a long time, it has been suspected and known that alternative methods have best devised in the urban African context simply to overcome the difficulty of surviving; the growth of intensive informal market networks is perhaps one of the most significant indicators about the attitude of ·victim people to their kind of existence. I have not been able to pursue the structure of this sub-market in this thesis. It is sufficient to note its pervasive presence against the development of organisations which grew out of the working class and try to understand the dynamics or interactions of consciousness which were produced in this situation. It is my under- standing that real interaction, between the working class and its highly peculiar approach to the struggle and the organisations and the approach of expediency which they adopted, never really came about. It would thus be possible to argue that the ICU and other similar organisations failed to comprehend and take advantage of the level of thinking of the workers themselves. The material which the ICU drew on, was, arguably, considerably advanced in its degree of proletarianization. The urban workers, unli.ke the mine workers, had no access to a subsistence mode of production.

No

Jusqu’à présent, de nombreuses recherches ont été menées sur l’union monétaire. Il existe toujours des discussions sur l’adoption d’une monnaie commune entre le Canada et les États-Unis. Dans l’article publié par Jack L. Carr et John E. Floyd (2002) [1], ils font des analyses de régression pour déterminer si des fluctuations des taux de change sont à cause de chocs monétaires ou de chocs réels. Cela eux aide à déterminer la possibilité de former la zone monétaire optimale entre le Canada et les États-Unis. Ce mémoire revisite les méthodologies de Carr et Floyd (2002) en ajoutant des données de 1999 à 2018. Nous refaisons des analyses de régression et versifions que si l’argument de Carr et Floyd (2002) est plus fort un moins fort.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / Typescript. Abstracted in Dissertation abstracts, v. 27, no. 3 A (1966) p. 731. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves : 252-257).

MEDEM / Department of Curriculum Studies and Education Management

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION in the Department of Educational Planning and Administration at The University of Zululand, 2004. / The study evaluates the efficiency and effectiveness of representation of educators, by their unions. Questionnaires and open-ended interviews were used to collect data from educators, union officials and school principals. Data is analysed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The study reveals that, while union officials recognize the significance of their role in educator representation, there are challenges in performing this role. Chief among these are: > Inadequate communication between union officials and educators. > Limited ability of union officials to: □ Build the capacity of educators as professionals. □ Familiarize educators about legislation such as the Labour Relations Act, Employment of Educators Act and others. Lack of capacity of both union officials as representatives of educators and educators as the constituency, presents a potential to threaten accountable industrial democracy. The candidate makes a series of recommendations to foster educator representation. These recommendations culminate in a model tabled in the last chapter of the study. This model gives guidelines on systems and processes, which underpin and enhance efficient and effective educator representation. The model is a contribution to building responsible democracy in general, but industrial democracy in particular, within the educator system in the country.

by Charles C.M. Kam. / Thesis (M.Comm.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1969. / Bibliography: leaves 104-107.