International judges and prosecutors are today present in various places around the world. They are supposed to function as a complement to the national judiciary and help in the up-building of rule of law. However, there are various problems and questions regarding the work they accomplish, which will be discussed throughout this thesis. Kosovo has been chosen as an example since it has a long experience of international judges and prosecutors. Further on it has been debated if the international personnel in the Kosovar judicial system contribute to the capacity-building or not. The following text also brings up several types of courts where the international judges and prosecutors are present. The reason for this is to give an idea of the various forms of international involvement that exists, but also to discuss where justice should be done. The aim of the thesis has been to find some key problems regarding international judges and prosecutors in national legal systems to be able to make better in the future. During the analyse of those questions various materials have been used, such as regulations, reports and previous research. The conclusion that has been drawn is that international judges and prosecutors can play an important role in the building of rule of law in national legal systems. However, the cooperation among internationals and nationals has to be deeper. Therefore some questions regarding for example salary and language problems must be solved so that the cooperation has the possibility to grow stronger in the future.

<p>In my paper I have examined the United Nations role in the democratization of Kosovo. In order to complete this purpose I have asked two questions</p><p>• How has the UN contributed to the democratization of Kosovo that has taken place so far?</p><p>• What advantages and/or disadvantages has the UN presence in Kosovo had from a democratic perspective?</p><p>The method I have used in my paper is a qualitative one, and more specified a qualitative text analysis. This means that I have examined a rather small number of sources, but in return I have analyzed these sources very carefully. In addition to the choice of a qualitative method I have used Robert A. Dahl’s theory about polyarcy as a definition of democracy.</p><p>The results from my analysis are that the UN has done some work in favour of the democratization of Kosovo, but the UN has also acted in a way which restrains democratization of Kosovo in many ways. The main reason why the UN hinders the democratization of Kosovo is it’s unwillingness to let go of its power over the region to the local officials.</p>

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado. / From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado. / From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.

The diploma thesis "The KFOR mission in Kosovo: The NATO activity in Kosovo after the military intervention in 1999" has its aim in describing individual steps of the KFOR mission in Kosovo after 1999 and strives to analyze the achievements of this activity. How much effectiveness KFOR produced in pursuing the goal of peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction? What were the achievements of the mission and when is it feasible to withdraw the mission from Kosovo? In addition, the thesis also analyzes the activity of other international missions in Kosovo and their cooperation with KFOR.

In my paper I have examined the United Nations role in the democratization of Kosovo. In order to complete this purpose I have asked two questions • How has the UN contributed to the democratization of Kosovo that has taken place so far? • What advantages and/or disadvantages has the UN presence in Kosovo had from a democratic perspective? The method I have used in my paper is a qualitative one, and more specified a qualitative text analysis. This means that I have examined a rather small number of sources, but in return I have analyzed these sources very carefully. In addition to the choice of a qualitative method I have used Robert A. Dahl’s theory about polyarcy as a definition of democracy. The results from my analysis are that the UN has done some work in favour of the democratization of Kosovo, but the UN has also acted in a way which restrains democratization of Kosovo in many ways. The main reason why the UN hinders the democratization of Kosovo is it’s unwillingness to let go of its power over the region to the local officials.

This paper analyses the implementation problems of the European Union’s (EU) most comprehensive agreement between Kosovo and the EU, namely, the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and related them to the democratization process in Kosovo. The SAA aims to strengthen European integration and support Kosovo to fulfill European principles needed in order to become a member in the union. The agreement was signed in 2015 and annual progress reports have been published by the European Commission in order to evaluate the progress and shortcomings. These progress reports show that Kosovo has faced issues while trying to implement the SAA, mostly due to lack of strong democratic principles (judicial independence, public administration, institutions) and corruption. This paper also examines Kosovo’s democratization process since early 1980s in order to evaluate whether issues faced in the implementation of the SAA are related to poor democratization. By applying a case study design, analyzing relevant material and using democratization theory, this paper finds that Kosovo has undergone significant democratization, however, democratic consolidation is at an early stage and the problems faced there are of similar nature as those problems faced in the implementation of the SAA, hence why it is safe to assume that these issues are indeed related to one another.