This Master thesis deals with the Sino-American cooperation during the Six-Party Talks between 2003 and 2009 and it aims to analyze both the main interests and objectives, with which the US and China came in the negotiations, and the problematic issues between the US and China, most critically complicating a progress in the negotiations. Although both countries cordially declared common interest in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, their real order of priorities within the Talks greatly differed. Contrary to the United States, China prioritized stability of the region to its denuclearization and was trying very hard to moderate the harsh US approach towards the DPRK's nuclear activities. In this way, it was, however, practically impossible to effectively force the North to abandon its nuclear program, which was something unconditionally demanded by the United States. What is more, the long-lasting political and strategic alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang considerably complicated the problem. In consequence, any statements or resolutions, which were adopted during the Talks, lacked sufficient strength and did not force North Korea to start dismantlement of its nuclear program. Thus, the US-China cooperation was not very fruitful. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the...

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Recent AI advancements have prompted calls for regulatory measures, which have faced opposition due to foreign policy concerns about China. This study researches the origins and implications of these concerns by analyzing U.S. public opinion toward China in the context of AI and foreign policy. It examines how these attitudes correlate with social and political factors and uses the ‘Micro-Foundation of International Relations Theory’ to assess potential impact on U.S. policies. The research employs a quantitative analysis of 2018 survey data from the Future of Humanity Institute at Oxford University. Using game theory models, the study operationalizes foreign policy attitudes through survey responses. Responses are analyzed utilizing cluster analysis, logistic regression, and multinomial logistic regression. The results indicate that 21% of the U.S. population adopts more conflict-promoting views, likely individuals with high political capital and conservative leaning. Another 29% share the first group’s general opinions and characteristics but differentiate in prioritizing U.S.-led de-escalation and liberal-leaning. 29% support cooperation with China but also preemptive armament; they are younger, liberal-leaning, and have lower political capital. 20% abstained from expressing clear opinions due to lack of knowledge, indicating socio-economic disparities. Policy implications include a future high risk of an AI arms race.

新興強權的崛起，勢將影響國際權力結構。自冷戰結束以來，國際體系維持著以美國為主導的單極為主多極體系，然全球化的影響，美國權力不免出現離散的下降趨勢。中共的崛起，成為可能挑戰以美國所主導的國際體系，使美中間的權力互動成為世人關切的焦點。 中共的國際戰略旨在維護和鞏固其在國際領域中的國家利益。自建政以來，歷代領導人審視國際權力結構的動態，制訂其國際戰略，俾在權力平衡的運作中，追求最大的國家利益。中共在面對「中國威脅論」的不利態勢，在16大以後，胡、溫領導以「和諧世界」戰略做為外交政策的指導原則；充滿理想主義的和諧世界戰略，能否改變國際間對中共這個新興強權的疑慮，成為全球矚目的焦點。 本文為瞭解中共和諧世界戰略與美中台間的關係發展與影響，採用歷史文獻分析法，藉由多元研究途徑，探討中共和諧世界戰略發展的歷程、背景與內涵及與美中台關係發展的影響。 研究發現，和諧世界戰略充滿理想主義色彩，但本質仍是追求權力平衡的觀點，企圖改變現階段美中權力結構的不和諧與不對等；和諧世界戰略提出後，受到主要國家的歡迎，相對的拉近美中之間權力結構的差距；但美國對中共威脅認知、雙方對權力的觀點、其他主要國家（戰略樞紐者如：俄、日、印、歐盟等）的抉擇及台灣問題的潛在衝突等，仍將影響美中台關係的未來發展。 / The rise of emerging powers is bound to affect the power structure of the international. Since the conclusion of the Cold War, a uni-multipolar system with the US as the only superpower has been dominating the arena of international politics. However, the US power diffuses and descends as a result of globalization. On the other hand, China’s rise to regional hegemony and the subsequent adjustment of its international strategy is posing a challenge to the US-dominated international political system. The interaction between Washington and Beijing has become a critical factor in the development of global politics. The PRC’s international strategy aims to secure and consolidate its national interests in the global society. Since the establishment of the Communist regime, the paramount leaders have examined the dynamics of international power structure and formulated its international strategy accordingly in order to pursue the maximum national interests in the operations of balance of power. Since the sixteenth Communist Party Congress, Hu Jintao and Wen Jia Bau has enshrined “harmonious world” as the guidelines for the country’s foreign policy. The latest international strategy sets a new direction for the development of the US-China relations. Since then whether or not the nominally idealistic “harmonious world” strategy helps reduce America’s suspicion of the potential rival has taken the limelight of international politics. This paper adopts document analysis and employs diversified research approach to explore, in terms of balance of power, the development process of the PRC’s international strategy, the contents of the “harmonious world” strategy, and the influence of the strategy upon the relations between the US- China and Taiwan. The findings of this study include the following points: The PRC’s “harmonious world” strategy is only idealistic in name but in essence, it still holds the Chinese traditional wisdom of balance of power; the strategy aims to rectify the existing discord and asymmetry in the power structure of US-China relations; and, although the strategy reduces the gap in the US-China power structure to a certain extent, America’s perception of China threat, mutual recognition of the contrast of national power, the decisions of other strategic pivots (such as the strategic hub are: i.e. Russia, Japan, India, and the European Union), and the dispute on Taiwan will continue to dictate the development of the bilateral relations between the US - PRC and the Taiwan.

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