In October 2015, John Magufuli became President of Tanzania and his party (Chama cha Mapinduzi, CCM) won a large majority in parliament. This thesis explains why Tanzanians choose to vote the way they do in general and in these elections in particular. It draws on qualitative interviews with approximately one-thousand voters in four field sites: one urban and one rural area in Dodoma Region where CCM are dominant, and a second pair of urban and rural areas from Mwanza Region in which the opposition are more competitive. By using theories of social remembering to understand vote preference, this thesis investigates a number of key issues that are crucial to determining political outcomes in Tanzania: 1) CCM's track record in government; 2) The sources of information available to voters; 3) The role of money in politics; 4) CCM's attempts to discredit the opposition; 5) The progress of the opposition since political liberalisation, and; 6) Local factors, including the behaviour of candidates. Having addressed these dynamics, attention is turned to how they played out during the 2015 election. The thesis concludes that, although Magufuli had significant appeal to many voters, his victory was aided by undemocratic manipulation. This shows that the process of political transition was far from complete, even before post-election developments that have threatened basic democratic principles in Tanzania.

of the Diploma Paper ,, Transitions to Democracy " Transition of a particular country from an undemocratic political regime to mostly that of democratic is a head subject regarded by many experts and general public. It may seem that democratic regime is a matter of course nowadays; however, the truth is unlike. The democratic regime dominates scarcely in the half of all countries in the world. Regarding to the situation in northern Africa and other Arabic countries, it has recently been more and more proved that changes of political regimes, especially from the undemocratic to the democratic ones, are taken as a current subject matter not only today, but also in the following days, weeks, months and years. This is why I am focusing on the theme of Transitions to Democracy in my diploma thesis. The thesis is divided into four chapters. First chapter, named Democracy, deals with the conception of democracy. One cannot define the word "democracy" by just one feature, therefore, criteria of volition and division of democracy into the constitutional liberalism and illiberal democracy by Fareed Zakaria is fundamental in my work. Second chapter is focused on the undemocratic regimes. Definitions of these regimes are important mainly for understanding why they had been transferred or why they are to be...

In recent times, the Supreme Court of Canada has utilized the ancillary powers doctrine as a means of expanding police powers at common law. Less apparent is the fact that the proliferation of these coercive powers has been achieved solely on the basis of the Court’s unorthodox—and, indeed radical—use of precedent. Put shortly, it is my thesis that the ancillary powers doctrine has precipitated the undemocratic expansion of both state and judicial power. The actual powers created by the Court are, in themselves, fraught with deficiencies and incapable of delivering on the twin promises of providing fairness and predictability in the law. This is due to the fact that any ad hoc judge-made power will be created retrospectively and shown to lack comprehensiveness. Correspondingly, the constitutional protections available to Canadians have waned in strength, leaving them more susceptible to governmental intrusion. In constructing this thesis, I have reviewed both the historic and contemporary case law that has forged the ancillary powers doctrine in Canada. Significantly, the emergence of this doctrine could not have occurred without Parliamentary acceptance and condonation of the Court’s actions. However, it is on the basis of the Court’s perception that Parliament has failed to close off supposed “gaps” in police powers that the Court has been willing to enter the lawmaking fray. Moreover, the Court’s actions have effectively obviated the need for government to legislate and prospectively stipulate the powers possessed by its agents. Therefore, I have situated this institutional interplay within the “theory of gaps” devised by Hans Kelsen. This model is offered as a plausible explanation for how Waterfield/Dedman became conceived in Canada and, why, it has been permitted to take root. Importantly, the Kelsenian analysis that I advance is explanatory only. It does not present a defence or justify for the proliferation of common law powers in favour of the police or judiciary. The lawmaking paradigm, as described above, has had a pernicious effect upon constitutionalism in Canada. It is for this reason, I argue that the ancillary powers doctrine holds an illegitimate place in Canadian law, and should be reversed.

The recent election victory of gen. Obasanjo highlights the fragile civil-military relations encountered in Nigeria. It also illustrates the impact environment has on the recruitment process of political leaders, as a changed environment paved the way for democratic elections in Nigeria. To shed light on the phenomenon of the undemocratic recruitment of military leaders as political leaders, a model encompassing environment, recruitment and leadership elements was formulated and applied to the Nigerian situation as experienced under the Gowon, Babangida and Abacha regimes. The first step of the environment determined political leadership model is to perform a specific analysis of the historical situation to facilitate the description, explanation and clarification of undemocratic recruitment. In the next step, the dynamic interaction between leadership, environment and recruitment, as revealed in the previously assessed historical situation, is analysed and tabularised to facilitate prediction. The third step of the model is to test set linkages of statements, to formulate a theory for the prediction of undemocratic recruitment in general. This theory is as follows: The military leader (micro environment) will adopt a challenger personality, when the macro - and global environment allow the micro environment to challenge them for political domination. If the micro environment is able to mobilise resources and the macro environment is unable to mobilise resources and the global environment remains neutral, the military leader can be recruited in an undemocratic manner as political leader. To remain in power, the military leader must either dominate the macro environment or adopt legitimacy. In the application of this model, it was determined that a challenger personality developed in the micro environment due to a weakened macro environment pestered by the absence of nationalism and national political leadership, as well as constant psychological conditioning, but also because the global environment remained uninvolved in the recruitment process. Besides the colonial legacy of Nigeria, this background provided the opportunity for a strong supportive organisation to develop in favour of military regimes. This eased the mobilisation of military resources for attempting undemocratic recruitment actions and facilitated the institutionalisation of military regimes in Nigeria. These identified behavioural patterns confirmed the mentioned general theory on the undemocratic recruitment of military leaders. In conclusion it was stated that undemocratic recruitment attempts in Nigeria can be prevented if a balance is kept between the micro -, macro - and global environment. To address this imbalance, political restructuring (including leadership, institutions and processes), and also economic - and social restructuring need to take place in order for Democracy to be institutionalised. This requires that the lack of nationalism and the attitude of the military be addressed immediately. It also necessitates the participation of the global environment in condemning undemocratic recruitment actions. Fact is, the environment has changed and in the process has begun to hinder Africa's military's self imposed mission to redeem the continent from corrupt politicians. The more Africa reacts on the new social dimensions in the environment, such as education, Information Technology and accelerated time, the more difficulty the military will have in intervening in politics. / Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2003. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

I denna uppsats undersöks hur problem kring bidragsgivning till civilsamhället framställs i Demokrativillkorsutredningen (SOU 2019:35) om skärpta demokratvillkor. Givet att civilsamhällesforskningen pekar på att det offentliga alltmer knutit civilsamhället närmare till sig är det intressant att studera den förändrade relationen i förhållande till den skärpta bidragsreformen. Med en kritiskt granskande ansats kombineras fenomenet shrinking civic space med Carol Bacchis policymetod What’s the Problem Represented to be (WPR) för att analysera statens föreställningar om det odemokratiska civilsamhället samt för att sätta begreppet krympande civilsamhällsutrymme inom en svensk kontext.  Studien av dagens civilsamhällsdiskurs visar att det odemokratiska civilsamhället antas hindras genom ökade kontroller både av de offentliga bidragsgivarna och organisationerna själva. För detta framstår civilsamhällsorganisationer behöva ha fullständig koll på sin verksamhet. Med dagens problemföreställningar och lösningsförslag konstruerar staten således en ny civilsamhällsroll kännetecknad av säkerhetsarbete, kontroll och misstänksamhet. Därmed identifieras modern demokratidiskurs i samverkan med säkerhetiseringsdiskursen bidra till en tudelning av civilsamhället med binära effekter som utgör en grund för att diskutera effekten shrinking space. Studien visar även en frånvaro av civilsamhällets särart samt att interna och externa maktrelationer under de nya demokrativillkoren kan få missgynnande effekter för nyare, mer kontroversiella och marginaliserade civilsamhällsgrupper. / In this essay I examine how problems concerning contributions to civil society are presented in the Democracy Conditions Inquiry (SOU 2019: 35) on stricter democratic conditions. Given that civil society research indicates that the public sector has become more closely associated with civil society, it is interesting to study the changed relationship in relation to the stricter benefit reform. With a critical approach, the phenomenon of shrinking civic space is combined with Carol Bacchi's policy method What's the Problem Represented to be (WPR) in order to analyze the state's notions of undemocratic civil society and to put the concept of shrinking civil society space within a Swedish context. The study of today's civil society discourse shows that the undemocratic civil society is assumed to be hindered by increased controls by both the public donors and the organizations themselves. For this, civil society organizations appear to need to have complete control over their activities. With today's problem representation and solution proposals, the state thus constructs a new civil society role characterized by securitization, control, and suspicion. Thus, modern democracy discourse is identified in collaboration with the security discourse to contribute to a division of civil society with binary effects that form a basis for discussing the effect shrinking space. The study also shows an absence of the special nature of civil society and that internal and external power relations under the new democratic conditions can have unfavorable effects for newer, more controversial, and marginalized civil society groups.