Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Philosophie--Köln--Universität zu Köln, 1998. / Notes bibliogr.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Fakultät für Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaft--Karlsruhe--Universität, 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 311-352.

Esta tese estuda a teoria política de Roberto Mangabeira Unger. Parte da premissa de que a esquerda experimenta hoje o seu pior momento histórico desde quando emergiu como movimento político informada teoricamente pelas idéias de Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels. Uma das explicações a ser desenvolvida nela é a de que esta situação é resultado de uma compreensão equivocada de como se organizam e de como ocorrem as transformações estruturais nas sociedades modernas (Capítulo 1). Essa circunstância intelectual resultou no descuido e na fraqueza com que essa tradição política e intelectual lidou com a questão das instituições (Capítulo 2). Sustenta que a teoria política produzida por Roberto Mangabeira Unger, em especial o seu conceito de experimentalismo, é um esforço promissor, no interior do pensamento progressista, de abordar a temática das instituições em uma direção que ajuda a esquerda a renovar suas desgastadas energias (Capítulo 3). Conclui que, a despeito do capitalismo ter como característica principal a proliferação de profundas divisões de classes e enormes desigualdades e exclusões que incapacitam e humilham a maioria da humanidade, ele não é o maior problema das sociedades contemporâneas. O seu maior problema é a incapacidade de imaginar os instrumentos institucionais e práticos com que superar essa situação de bloqueio e injustiça. A separação entre a crítica e a imaginação programática transformou a primeira em protesto e denúncia impotentes, desperdiçando oportunidades, disseminando desesperança e cultivando frustração. / This thesis studies the political theory of Roberto Mangabeira Unger. It starts from the premise that the Left currently finds itself in its worst historical moment since the political movement that was informed by the ideas of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels first emerged. One of the explanations developed here is that this situation results from a mistaken comprehension of how structural transformations in modern societies occur (Chapter 1). These intellectual circumstances resulted from the carelessness with which this intellectual and political tradition dealt with the issue of institutions (Chapter 2). The thesis sustains that Unger´s political theory, especially his concept of experimentalism, is a promising effort in the interior of progressive thought to approach institutions in a way that can help the Left renew its exhausted energies (Chapter 3). It concludes that, although the main characteristic of capitalism is the proliferation of deep class divisions and enormous inequalities and exclusions that incapacitate and humiliate the majority of humanity, this economic system is not the main problem of contemporary societies. The main problem is the incapacity to imagine the institutional instruments and practices that might overcome this situation of stagnancy and injustice. The separation between criticism and programmatic imagination has transformed the first into innocuous protest and denunciation, wasting opportunities, disseminating despair and cultivating frustration.

Esta tese estuda a teoria política de Roberto Mangabeira Unger. Parte da premissa de que a esquerda experimenta hoje o seu pior momento histórico desde quando emergiu como movimento político informada teoricamente pelas idéias de Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels. Uma das explicações a ser desenvolvida nela é a de que esta situação é resultado de uma compreensão equivocada de como se organizam e de como ocorrem as transformações estruturais nas sociedades modernas (Capítulo 1). Essa circunstância intelectual resultou no descuido e na fraqueza com que essa tradição política e intelectual lidou com a questão das instituições (Capítulo 2). Sustenta que a teoria política produzida por Roberto Mangabeira Unger, em especial o seu conceito de experimentalismo, é um esforço promissor, no interior do pensamento progressista, de abordar a temática das instituições em uma direção que ajuda a esquerda a renovar suas desgastadas energias (Capítulo 3). Conclui que, a despeito do capitalismo ter como característica principal a proliferação de profundas divisões de classes e enormes desigualdades e exclusões que incapacitam e humilham a maioria da humanidade, ele não é o maior problema das sociedades contemporâneas. O seu maior problema é a incapacidade de imaginar os instrumentos institucionais e práticos com que superar essa situação de bloqueio e injustiça. A separação entre a crítica e a imaginação programática transformou a primeira em protesto e denúncia impotentes, desperdiçando oportunidades, disseminando desesperança e cultivando frustração. / This thesis studies the political theory of Roberto Mangabeira Unger. It starts from the premise that the Left currently finds itself in its worst historical moment since the political movement that was informed by the ideas of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels first emerged. One of the explanations developed here is that this situation results from a mistaken comprehension of how structural transformations in modern societies occur (Chapter 1). These intellectual circumstances resulted from the carelessness with which this intellectual and political tradition dealt with the issue of institutions (Chapter 2). The thesis sustains that Unger´s political theory, especially his concept of experimentalism, is a promising effort in the interior of progressive thought to approach institutions in a way that can help the Left renew its exhausted energies (Chapter 3). It concludes that, although the main characteristic of capitalism is the proliferation of deep class divisions and enormous inequalities and exclusions that incapacitate and humiliate the majority of humanity, this economic system is not the main problem of contemporary societies. The main problem is the incapacity to imagine the institutional instruments and practices that might overcome this situation of stagnancy and injustice. The separation between criticism and programmatic imagination has transformed the first into innocuous protest and denunciation, wasting opportunities, disseminating despair and cultivating frustration.

Zugl.: Frankfurt (Main), Univ., Diss., 2006

What I dub the “worst-result” principle is a criterion that identifies civil war and tyranny as the worst evils that could befall a state, and prescribes their prevention. In this thesis, I attempt to define the worst-result principle’s concrete prescriptions and institutional arrangements to meet these. To do so, I explore different understandings of the worst-result principle, that each contributes to the general argument. Montesquieu’s crucial insight concerns the separation of powers to prevent the state from collapsing into despotism. Judith Shklar shows that ‘damage control’ needs to be constantly performed so as to minimize chances of governmental brutality. Roberto Unger points at the importance of encouraging citizens’ involvement in the political process to safeguard freedom. I finally argue, in the light of historical evidence, that it would be unreasonable to think that the task of preventing tyranny can be effectively performed in the absence of courts entrusted with checking powers.

In 2016, the ICIJ independent organization released the leaks of the Panama Papers. Using the data presented, this thesis aims to evaluate and examine the models developed for the quantification of money laundering, analyze the variables that define the appeal of certain tax havens, and develop extensions to the Walker-Unger model. The proportion of illicit funds flowing from a source country to a host country was calculated using the Walker-Unger model as a reference while considering 35 source and 10 host countries. The variables were adjusted for statistical analyses input through multiple fractional probit regressions, and the outcome was compared to the original Walker-Unger estimates. At a 5% significance level, the research found significance between the account proportion and the independent variables. Furthermore, the evidence showcased more significant values obtained with the regression model, implying that the Walker-Unger model has become irrelevant in this modern era. Due to the following reasons, this study provides a perspective into improving the model through several recommendations.

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Is the demonic personal or impersonal? The question is rarely treated in depth. This thesis initially delves into the demonological offerings of a pair of twentieth century theologians, Karl Barth and Merrill Unger, in order to discern their particular positions upon the subject. Personhood itself is a divisive issue between the two theologians. Barth’s perspective on personhood is not intrinsically linked to the physical nature. Persons are who they are because of their relationship with the divine. In reference to the demonic, Unger briefly assesses personhood by inseparably correlating it with ontological reality. Their disagreement continues into the definition of “demon.” Barth prefers to see the demonic as uncreated yet derived from God as a byproduct of His creative decree, and Unger opts for a famous classical construction that they are created beings who rebelled against their Maker. Yet, Barth and Unger are both found to not only adhere to personal language concerning the demonic but also to posit demons as personal beings. According to Barth and Unger, demons are real, personal, and malevolent. This unusual unity, even with their distinct theological backgrounds, can only be properly understood as the result of their mutual profession to reflect the biblical material. Considering the dated nature of Barth and Unger’s writings, recent biblical scholarship is examined in order to determine whether or not their attestation of a demonic personhood is borne out by current studies. While a few exceptions are noted, the majority of scholars indicate that the biblical material portrays personal intermediary players besides God and humanity, with the category of “demon” becoming progressively prevalent as one chronologically journeys through the divine revelation. Spurning a Bultmann-inspired demythologization, Barth and Unger simply attempt to reflect the biblical material. But how does Barth and Unger’s idea of demonic personhood hold up in light of the multicultural context? As the globe hurriedly shrinks during our technologically connected age, the boundaries between cultures have fallen, resulting in numerous contexts which contain two or more cultures sharing the same space. How can Christianity navigate such turbulent times, except by emphasizing the centrality of the God’s Word! It coheres God’s people, while convicting and transforming every contacted culture. In the multicultural context, specifically through the Western and African worldviews, Barth and Unger’s personhood of the demonic speaks admonition and affirmation to the Christian masses. Unhealthy superstition is challenged,and dismissive skepticism is chastised. Caution is upheld, and the openness of the African worldview is vindicated. Thus, in light of the multicultural context, a biblical personhood of the demonic realm is plausible, and as a revelation-centric position, it surpasses current ethnocentric expressions of the topic. As we turned toward constructing some conclusions, Barth and Unger’s strengths and weaknesses were assessed. Karl Barth claims that conveying the biblical testimony is his first concern, but on the subject of the demonic, he entertains a confusing philosophy which unpredictably maintains personhood. Merrill Unger paints with broad brush strokes, failing to discuss or respond to the progressive way in which the demonic is unveiled throughout the biblical text. One of the strengths of Barth’s demonological presentation, which includes demonic personhood, is that he highlights the activity of the demonic before the ontology of the demonic. Though interacting with scholars and theologians, Unger’s clear emphasis and strength is on recapitulating the biblical text, linking nearly every point to numerous texts. Finally, if we accept the reality of a personal demonic, our response to the demonic should reflect it. Theologically, it should spur us onward toward a truly personal view of redemption. Practically, it means that we should critically analyze and carefully consider the constructive works of counselors, pastors, and deliverance practitioners that we may cautiously adapt our ecclesiological practices to reflect biblical realities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Is die demoniese persoonlik of onpersoonlik? Die vraag word selde in diepte behandel. Hierdie tesis beskou aanvanklik die demonologiese aanbiedinge van twee twintigste-eeuse teoloë, Karl Barth en Merril Unger, om hulle spesifieke standpunte oor die onderwerp te onderskei. Persoonskap self is 'n verdelende kwessie tussen die twee teoloë. Barth se perspektief op persoonskap is nie intrinsiek aan hulle fisiese aard gekoppel nie. Persone is wie hulle is weens hul verhouding met die goddelike. Met verwysing na die demoniese evalueer Unger kortliks persoonskap deur dit onlosmaaklik met die ontologiese werklikheid te korreleer. Hul meningsverskil strek tot in hul definisie van die "demoon". Barth verkies om die demoniese as ongeskape, tog afgelei van God as 'n byproduk van Sy skeppingsverordening te sien, en Unger verkies 'n bekende klassieke voorstel dat hulle geskape wesens is wat in opstand gekom het teen hulle Maker. Tog word daar gevind dat Barth en Unger beide nie persoonlike taal betreffende die demoniese aanhang nie, maar demone ook as persoonlike wesens poneer. Volgens Barth en Unger is demone werklik, persoonlik en kwaadwillig. Hierdie ongewone eensgesindheid, selfs met hul verskillende teologiese agtergronde, kan slegs behoorlik verstaan word as die gevolg van hul gedeelde aanspraak dat hulle die Bybelse stof weerspieël. Die verouderde aard van Barth en Unger se geskrifte in ag geneem, word onlangse Bybelwetenskap ondersoek om te bepaal of hulle bevestiging van 'n demoniese persoonskap deur huidige studies beaam word. Hoewel 'n paar uitsonderings waargeneem word, dui die meerderheid geleerdes daarop dat die Bybelse stof persoonlike tussengangers buiten God en die mensdom uitbeeld, met die kategorie van die "demoon" wat toenemend voorkom soos wat 'n mens chronologies deur die goddelike openbaring reis. In veragting van 'n Bultmann-geïnspireerde ontmitologisering probeer Barth en Unger eenvoudig die Bybelse stof weerspieël. Maar hoe hou Barth en Unger se idee van demoniese persoonskap stand in die lig van die multikulturele konteks? Soos die wêreld haastig krimp tydens ons tegnologies-verbinde tydperk, het die grense tussen kulture verval, wat gelei het tot verskeie kontekste waarin twee of meer kulture dieselfde ruimte deel. Hoe kan die Christendom sulke onstuimige tye navigeer, behalwe deur die sentraliteit van Gods Woord te benadruk! Dit verenig God se volk, onderwyl dit elke kultuur waarmee ons in verbinding tree oortuig en transformeer. In die multikulturele konteks, veral deur die Westerse en Afrika se wêreldbeelde, spreek Barth en Unger se persoonlikheid van die demoniese van vermaning en bekragtiging aan die Christenmassas. Ongesonde bygeloof word uitgedaag, en afwysende skeptisisme word gekasty. Omsigtigheid word gehandhaaf, en die oopheid van Afrika se wêreldbeskouing word geregverdig. Dus, in die lig van die multikulturele konteks, is 'n Bybelse persoonskap van 'n persoonlike demoniese realm geloofwaardig, en as openbaringsgesentreerde standpunt oortref dit huidige etnosentriese uitdrukkings van die onderwerp. Soos wat ons 'n paar gevolgtrekkings begin maak het, is Barth en Unger se sterk- en swakpunte geassesseer. Karl Barth beweer dat die oordra van die Bybelse getuienis sy eerste belang is, maar betreffende die onderwerp van die demoniese koester hy 'n verwarrende filosofie wat onvoorspelbaar persoonskap handhaaf. Merrill Unger verf met breë kwashale, en versuim om die progressiewe wyse waarop die demoniese dwarsdeur die Bybelse teks ontsluier word te bespreek of daarop te reageer. Een van die sterk punte van Barth se demonologiese voorstelling, wat demoniese persoonskap insluit, is dat hy die aktiwiteit van die demoniese bó die ontologie beklemtoon. Hoewel hy in gesprek is met geleerdes en teoloë, lê Unger se duidelike klem en krag in sy samevatting van die Bybelse teks, met die koppeling van byna elke punt aan talle tekste. Laastens, as ons die werklikheid van 'n persoonlike demoniese aanvaar, moet ons reaksie daarop dit weerspieël. Teologies moet dit ons aanspoor om verder in die rigting van 'n waarlik persoonlike siening van verlossing. Prakties beteken dit dat ons die konstruktiewe werke van verlossingspraktisyns, pastore, en raadgewers krities moet ontleed en versigtig moet oorweeg sodat ons versigtig ons ekklesiologiese praktyke kan aanpas om Bybelse werklikhede te weerspieël.

Actuellement au Québec, une majorité d’électeurs ont exprimé leur mécontentement vis-à-vis du système politique actuel. Les citoyens déclarent être privés de contrôle et ressentir un manque de choix réel dans le processus politique. À l’ère du populisme croissant, cela représente une préoccupation urgente pour assurer la vitalité de notre démocratie. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’aborder la question de l’engagement civique et de la transformation sociale et politique à partir d’une évaluation critique de la Philosophie pour enfants (PPE). La question de la recherche peut être formulée ainsi : « Comment la Philosophie pour enfants peut-elle aider à répondre aux aspirations non satisfaites qu’une majorité de citoyens ressentent à l’égard du système politique actuel ? » Afin de répondre à cette question, nous évaluons la valeur et le potentiel démocratique de la PPE à travers une théorie sociale et politique radicale. Nous nous éloignons des philosophies politiques plus « traditionnelles » pour nous intéresser au programme politique de « démocratie expérimentale » développé par Roberto Unger pour montrer comment il peut offrir un moyen d'envisager la PPE comme un moyen de perturber la simple reproduction de la structure sociale et de la rapprocher d'une activité qui le transforme à travers l'expérimentation et l'engagement collectif. Pour ce faire, nous argumentons que les pratiques et les fondements théoriques de la PPE peuvent être considérés comme compatibles avec une telle vision démocratique. Nous soutenons néanmoins que son potentiel démocratique est limité par le manque de l’aspect pratique ainsi que par l'absence de soutien institutionnel capable de permettre l'expérimentation et la collaboration collective. / Recently in Quebec, a majority of eligible voters have expressed their discontent with the current political system. Citizens say they experience disempowerment and feel a lack of real choice in the political process. In the age of rising populism, this represents a pressing concern to ensure the vitality of our democracy. The purpose of this thesis is to engage with the issue of civic engagement and social reform from the standpoint of Philosophy for children (P4C). The research question can be formulated as such: “How can P4C contribute to an effective response towards the unsatisfied aspirations that a majority of citizens feel toward the current political system?” In order to answer this question, we assess P4C’s democratic value and democratic potential through a radical social and political theory. We depart from more “traditional” political philosophies and direct our attention to Democratic Experimentalism developed by Roberto Unger to show how it can offer a way to envisage P4C as a means to disrupt the mere reproduction of the structure of society and bring it closer to an activity that transforms it through experimentation and collective engagement. To do so, we examine how P4C’s practices and theoretical underpinnings can be said to be compatible with such a vision of democratic life and how nonetheless its democratic potential is limited by the lack of practicality and the absence of institutional support capable of enabling experimentation and collective engagement.

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