The Cold War and the Palestine question determined the course of Egyptian-Soviet entente, a course both tortuous and tragic. In pursuing the completion of Western containment of the Soviet Union, the United States and its allies proposed the inclusion of the Arab world in a Middle Eastern alliance which was directed against the Soviet Union but which ignored Arab anxieties about Israel, at whose hands the Arab nation had recently suffered a crushing defeat. Egypt, under the newly established revolutionary regime led by Jamal Abd al-Nasir, refused to join any military blocs. Instead, it opted for non-alignment. Following Egypt's lead, all Arab states except Iraq refrained from participating in the proposed alliance. In effect, Egypt succeeded in scuttling Western military arrangements, thereby incurring Western displeasure which was manifest in political, economic, and military pressures. The Soviet Union was impressed by Abd al-Nasir 's success. It overcame its initial suspicion of Abd al-Nasir 's military regime and decided to come to its aid in order to withstand Western pressures, thus connnencing a constant view which identified the survival of the Nasirist regime with the security of the Soviet Union. It extended military, economic, and diplomatic support to sustain Egypt's independent, non-aligned, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial foreign policy which, in effect, worked to the detriment of Western interests. The primary determinant of this attitude was the security interest of the Soviet Union as a state involved in a global contest with the United States. Marxism-Leninism took a back seat to political decisions and was utilized to justify these decisions. Soviet ideologues responded to the calls of their political leaders and attempted to establish a lowest common ideological denominator which would justify Egyptian-Soviet cooperation. Accordingly, Egypt was gradually reevaluated until it was identified as a progressive state along the non-capitalist path of social development. Egypt's attitude toward the Soviet Union was equally pragmatic and was governed by strict compartmentalization. Abd al-Nasir never tired of clearly distinguishing between the Soviet Union as a state and the Soviet Union as the fortress and guardian of Marxism-Leninism. With the former he was willing to cooperate because of the convergence of interests. With the latter he consistently retained disdain and hostility. He refused even to tolerate Soviet relations with or Soviet intercession on behalf of Arab communists. When the Soviet Union defended them, it was engaged by Egypt's potent media machine in an unequal and eventually losing propaganda war. Only after the Soviet Union abandoned Arab communists to their fate did relations between the two countries deepen. The best proof of this contention may be found in the non-existence of a communist party in Egypt in 1970. Abd al-Nasir launched a social revolution in Egypt whose ideological underpinning was Arab Socialism. The adherents of Arab Socialism exerted every effort to distinguish it from Marxism-Leninism, both in principle and in application--especially those elements which dealt with Islamic justification, private property, and social harmony. This should be contrasted with the concerted Soviet endeavors to establish affinities between Marxism-Leninism and Arab Socialism. Both the Soviet Union and the United Arab Republic, as Abd al-Nasir 's Egypt was known, pursued opportunistic policies. The Soviet Union exploited UAR-Western conflicts. The UAR, similarly, exploited East-West rivalry. Ironically, however, these same conflicts and rivalries caused them to part company. This became abundantly clear in the aftermath of the UAR's defeat at the hands of Israel in June of 1967. The Soviet Union could not recover what Egypt had lost without a confrontation with the United States which would not permit a Soviet solution to the Palestine question. Conversely, the Soviet Union could not permit an American solution which the United States seemed able to achieve. The community of interests between the UAR and the Soviet Union was transformed by the consequences of the Six-Day War into a conflict of interests of the two states. Thus Egyptian-American rapprochement became inevitable. It was left to Anwar Sadat, Abd al-Nasir 's successor, to carry it out.

In his bibliographical Chapter, "Selected Readings in Canadian External Policy, 1919-1959", Geddis Smith pointedly remarked that "a scholarly study of Canada's relation with Russia is sorely needed." At the time he made this observation, Arthur Davies' book, Canada and Russia, Neighbours and Friands, was the only publication that dealt with Canadian-Russian relations. [...]

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No description available.

The constitutional right to strike in Peru is developed by a very strict policy that determines the origin of the measure to a view of the administrative labor authority that may be issued in two instances. However, there are rules that allow understand the existence of the strike despite not having the decision of that authority as they prevent the employer to freely exercise its disciplinary powers to an improper or illegal paralysis. With regard to recent decisions of the labor inspection, this article analyzes this situation and seeks to present some solutions consistent with the essential content of this constitutional right. / El derecho constitucional a la huelga es desarrollado en el Perú mediante una normativa muy estricta que condiciona la procedencia de la medida a una opinión de la autoridad administrativa de trabajo que puede ser emitida en doble instancia. Sin embargo, existen normas que permitirían entender la existencia de la huelga a pesar de no contar con la aprobación de dicha autoridad dado que impiden al empleador poder ejercer con libertad su facultad disciplinaria ante una paralización improcedente o ilegal. A propósito de recientes decisiones de la inspección de trabajo, el presente artículo analiza esta situación y busca presentar algunas soluciones coherentes con el contenido esencial del derecho constitucional.

The research focus of this study was upon U.S. peace organizations which sponsor face-to-face contact with Soviet citizens. Nine U.S. peace organizations were included in the study, the names of which were acquired through a publication produced by the Institute for Soviet-American Relations. The researcher contacted approximately 28 organizations either by telephone or mail, requesting that organizational literature (program descriptions, newsletters, brochures, pamphlets) be sent to the researcher for the purpose of conducting a rhetorical analysis of such literature.

Estonia's rise to prominence on the leading edge of the Soviet reform process is a consequence of the republic's dual position as an economic role model for other republics and a Soviet exception in terms of lifestyle and cultural orientation. While Estonia's open acceptance of perestroika is clearly a boost for Soviet reformers, the Estonian vision of reform is distinctly different from the direction intended by Moscow. In its capacity as reform leader and radical pioneer, Estonia is a microcosm of the Soviet political economy and the elements that plague attempts to reform the system. An examination of Estonia's role within the Soviet reform movement provides a view of the potentially explosive cultural processes that have now surfaced not only in the Baltic but throughout the Soviet Union. Chapter One presents a descriptive chronological overview of the events that preceded Estonia's Declaration of Sovereignty in November 1988. Chapter Two is analytical in nature and provides a cultural context and background with which to assess Estonian developments. The methodological framework is adapted from Archie Brown's "Political Culture and Communist Studies" and gives a qualitative description of the intensity and psychological power of the cultural factor in Estonian politics. Chapter Three presents Moscow's reaction to Baltic initiatives and describes Gorbachev's attempt to forge a new nationalities policy in the face of deep-rooted conservative opposition. Estonia is a prime example of the seemingly insoluble nationality problems associated with Soviet political reform. In terms of quantitative indicators, Estonia is the most economically successful republic within the Soviet political experiment, and yet it is also the most vociferous in voicing rejection of fundamental Soviet political values. Although the Soviet future remains unpredictable, there are strong indicators that Estonia and the Baltic republics will continue to expand the perimeters of reform at a pace and in a manner that can now only be curtailed by armed force. However, the potential consequences of Baltic initiatives will not remain confined only to Soviet domestic politics. Whether the Soviet Union becomes a benign Commonwealth or Confederacy, or rapidly decays or disintegrates, or regresses into authoritarianism and civil war, the result will have profound consequences for Europe and the rest of the world. Therefore, the importance of Estonia and the other Baltic republics in the process of Soviet decline cannot be underestimated; the Baltic States, although insignificant by global standards, have set an example for other Soviet republics and national groups to follow and will for the near term remain political barometers of the Soviet future. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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No description available.

The dissertation is a biography of the industrialist and statesman Christian Lundeberg, a leading and stongly pronounced conservative actor in Swedish political life during the decades around1900, but nowadays almost forgotten. The purpose is to identify the main forces – convictions as well as external factors – behind his actions. He was very influential within  a range of important sectors, i.a. compulsory national service, repeated interventions to keep the iron ore of Norrland under Swedish ownership,  establishment of a regular conservative party and the decision on the vote to right (for men) in 1907. His most well-known action was as Swedish Prime Minister and head architect behind the peaceful dissolution in 1905 of the union with Norway. However for a long time biographies have not been regarded as ”real” scientific work within the concerned academic Swedish circles. For this reason the introductory chapter analyses these discussions  and  concludes that time now is ready for the genre to come in from the cold , enumerating six criteria regarded to be of paramount importance. These are being observed in the consecutive parts of the study. The following chapter studies the concept of paternalism as defined within Swedish professional circles, forming a background to the remaining parts of the dissertation. In their turn these present thorough reviews both of Lundeberg’s activities as a paternalistic foundry proprietor in the local family owned community of Forsbacka and of his contributions on the central political level. The final chapter summarizes the driving forces behind Lundeberg’s activities in stating that he was not an ultraconservative person, a priori opposing all progress.  Instead as the years passed he developed a clear readiness for compromise solutions. Three key concepts are said to be central to the understanding of his person: “Fatherland”, ”Responsibility” and “Duty”.  Throughout all his life he adhered to many of the paternalistic principles and values he learnt at an early age in Forsbacka. His present anonymity is explained  by the fact that he in a retrospective very often is considered as being defeated in a number of political convictions now regarded as important.