The problem of this study was an analysis of the funding procedures in states which provide funding for local community education projects. The purpose of the study was to identify states which appropriate funds for community education and to provide an analysis of the guidelines for operation and use of state funds for community education at the local level. Twenty-five states were initially identified as having some type of state funding for community education, Eleven of the twenty-one states responding do provide funding for use at the local level. The guidelines and applications for obtaining these funds were compared in the areas of purpose of state legislation, minimum elements required of community education projects, eligibility requirements, use of state funds, grant periods, and annual reporting requirements.

This study examines current domestic provisions and their extent of departure from English common law principles. The purpose of this study is to discover whether differences among state domestic codes are associated with differences among demographic characteristics. If such associations do exist, then some conclusion might be made regarding the feasibility of a national, uniform domestic code. This study examines current domestic provisions and their extent of departure from English common law principles. The purpose of this study is to discover whether differences among state domestic codes are associated with differences among demographic characteristics. If such associations do exist, then some conclusion might be made regarding the feasibility of a national, uniform domestic code.

No description available.

The purpose of the study was to explore and examine the roles and responsibilities of state councils related to planning, influencing, monitoring, and evaluating activities. These activities had been mandated by Congress for the improvement of services for the target population of the Developmentally Disabled Assistance and Bill of Rights Act of 1975, Public Law 94-103. Forecast responses were sought to twelve questions that addressed issues relating to roles and responsibilities identified for the councils (a) in the law, (b) the regulations issued pursuant to enactment of the law, and (c) the program guidelines that covered operation of the program. Based upon the findings from the analysis of data in the study and feedback from the panel, implications and conclusions were drawn and recommendations were made. Five of the most important conclusions made were 1. A continuing trend in accountability is demonstrated by the increased emphasis on performance of councils, progress of clients, and effectiveness of service programs; 2. Evaluation activities are being seen from a broad scope and comprehensive viewpoint rather than on a narrow, localized scale; 3. Influencing activities for state councils may be approached from a practical as well as political viewpoint; 4. The voice of the consumer will be stronger in council affairs and service activities; 5. The role of the councils as a planning and coordinating body is finding acceptance.

Trade Facilitation Indicators have become important mechanisms of monitoring the ease of trade. Another issue of rising concern is the pervasive debate on genetically engineered organisms and the development of Genetically Engineered Restrictive Index to evaluate its implications on trade. With regards to these, the objective of the United States Trade Representative is to eliminate implicit trade barriers. Hence, this study examines the impact of TFIs on U.S. agricultural export and its efficiency. From the results, a 1% increase in destination’s Genetically Engineered Restrictive Index leads to a US$ 9,426.82 and US$ 74,268.04 decline in corn and soybean exports while wheat experiences a US$ 26,204.05 increase. The ‘I-State’ paradox was also revealed from the efficiency rankings. This research recommends that GE labelling policies should be synchronized to match the requirements of the destination countries. Furthermore, information on GE foods must be transparent and disseminated to change destinations’ negative perception.

Qu’est ce qui explique la faiblesse d’un Etat qui s’est engagé depuis plus de vingt ans à rompre avec les pratiques de l’autoritarisme et du néo-patrimonialisme ? Pourquoi les promesses d’une démocratisation réussie, malgré le soutien massif des acteurs de la « société internationale » ont paradoxalement débouché sur la déstabilisation de l’Etat dans un contexte de crises récurrentes ? Ce sont les interrogations principales qui orientent cette recherche qui se donne pour ambition d’étudier les processus par lesquels les élites et les masses haïtiennes s’approprient la démocratie. De ce point de vue, la démocratisation s’analyse comme une ressource politique et institutionnelle revendiquée par ces dernières comme élément probant de leur adhésion à la grammaire démocratique. Dès lors, il s’agit de scruter les routes sinueuses et chaotiques empruntées par la démocratisation en Haïti, en interrogeant les diverses séquences marquantes de l’histoire politique haïtienne. L’accent est mis sur l’importation des technologies institutionnelles d’origine occidentale, notamment durant la période ouverte en 1994 avec la réinstallation de Jean-Bertrand Aristide dans ses fonctions de président et celle qui commence en 2004 avec son départ forcé du pouvoir. Ces deux séquences historiques, sous-tendues par des plans de reconstruction de l’Etat, sont marquées par la mobilisation de ressources diverses, en vue de jeter les bases d’une nouvelle gouvernance politique et économique. Elles circonscrivent également un champ de représentations conflictuelles, caractérisé par la compétition entre les Etats occidentaux et la lutte pour la répartition des enjeux de puissance entre les organisations internationales et les élites locales. L’analyse du processus de démocratisation conduit à des observations paradoxales : l’exacerbation de la violence, l’actualisation de l’autoritarisme, la multiplication des situations déviantes découlant des stratégies des acteurs locaux. Ces derniers tentent d’échapper aux contraintes imposées par des acteurs externes qui interviennent afin de sanctionner, d’arbitrer et d’imposer des décisions aux factions en luttes pour le pouvoir. Ainsi, la démocratisation passe par des crises d’adaptation, des phases contradictoires de recomposition, d’hybridation des institutions importées et parfois de contournement des normes et procédures. Entre les acteurs internes et externes s’établit et s’organise une dynamique interactive qui influence l’Etat dont la configuration finale est loin de correspondre aux objectifs affichés à travers les réformes engagées. Afin de mieux mettre en évidence les traits distinctifs de cet Etat forgé dans l’incertitude et l’imprécision, la thèse propose de restituer les dynamiques et l’historicité propres à la société haïtienne, en privilégiant l’hypothèse de la réinvention de l’Etat. Paradoxalement, l’État peut être le produit de processus de violence et la part chaotique que comporte la situation en Haïti peut recéler les prémices de sa construction. / What does explain the weakness of a State which has committed more than 20 years to break with the practices of authoritarianism and neo-patrimonialism? Why the promises of a successful democratization, despite the massive support of the actors of the “international society” paradoxically led to the destabilization of the State in the context of recurrent crises? These are the key questions guiding this research, whose ambition is to study the processes by which elites and the Haitian masses appropriate democracy. From this point of view, democratization is analyzed as a political and institutional resource claimed by them as convincing evidence of their adherence to democratic grammar. Therefore, it is scrutinizing the winding roads and chaotic way borrowed by democratization in Haiti, by querying various striking sequences of Haitian political history. Emphasis is placed on the importation of institutional technologies of Western origin, particularly during the period opened in 1994 with the resettlement of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in his duties as president and on the period which starts in 2004 with his forced departure from power. These two historical sequences, underpinned by plans for the reconstruction of the State, are marked by the mobilization of various resources, with a view to laying the foundations for new political and economic governance. They also define a field of conflicting representations, characterized by competition between Western States and the struggle for the distribution of power between the international organizations and local elites issues.The analysis of the process of democratization leads to paradoxical representations: the exacerbation of violence, the updating of authoritarianism, the multiplication of deviant situations arising from the strategies of local actors. The latter are trying to escape from the constraints imposed by external actors involved in order to punish, to arbitrate and to impose decisions on the factions struggling for power. Thus, democratization goes hand in hand with crises of adaptation, contradictory phases of re-composition, hybridization of the imported institutions and, sometimes with circumvention of the standards and procedures. Between internal and external actors are settled and organized interactive dynamics that influence the State of which the final configuration is far short of the objectives set out through the aimed reforms. In order to better highlight the distinguishing features of this State forged in uncertainty and vagueness, the thesis proposes to analyze the dynamics and historicity of Haitian society, privileging, the hypothesis of the reinvention of the State. Paradoxically, the State may be the product of process of violence and the chaotic part that includes the situation in Haiti can conceal the beginning of its construction.

In the mid-1970s, state courts began to interpret state constitutions independently of the federal constitution in a way that provided greater protection for individual rights at the state versus federal level. Scholars have generally attributed the rise of this movement, known as state constitutionalism, to the actions and scholarship of judges and point to the cause as a fear that the Burger court would rollback Warren court era protections for individual rights. In reality, the concept of state constitutionalism had been present throughout the 1950s-1970s period of state constitutional revision and was deeply influenced by concerns over the status of the federal system. Montana's 1972 Constitutional Convention illustrates the role that constitutional revision had in the subsequent adoption of state constitutionalism. In particular, the creation, adoption, and interpretation of two provisions--the privacy and dignity clauses--shows that the public was engaged in a conscious decision to go beyond the federal protections for individual rights. Montana's experience suggests that further research is needed in order for scholars to fully understand the rise and adoption of state constitutionalism.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Public Policy, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2008. / Committee Chair: Willoughby, Katherine; Committee Member: Eger, Robert; Committee Member: Kingsley, Gordon; Committee Member: Sjoquist, David; Committee Member: Wallace, Sally.

This thesis examines the effects of the change from strict scrutiny to the undue burden standard in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992). A history of abortion in the United States and the various ways in which government regulates it is explored. Particular attention is focused on the role of the federal judiciary in abortion regulation. Theories of judicial decision making are discussed as means to understand the outcome of cases. Several models are tested to determine which, if any, model explains judicial decision making. The effect of the change in standard, as well as an alternate precedent, are examined.