No description available.

No description available.

Mt. Spurr is a volcano in proximity to Anchorage, Alaska and major airline routes making an eruption or episode of unrest potentially hazardous. Between 2004 and 2006, Mt. Spurr underwent such an episode of unrest involving increased seismic activity, CO2 emissions, ice melting, and debris flows, which was likely forecasted by the increased seismicity of Oct 2002. The timeline of events provide data to construct a model analyzing the thermal energy release and constraining subsurface magmatic and hydrothermal processes during the period of unrest. The results show that the ice cauldron formation and the increase of meltwater temperature could not have been caused by the observed CO2 release alone and suggest that enhanced hydrothermal heat transfer related to increased CO2 output could provide the thermal power necessary to drive the melting event. Scaling hydrothermal convection in terms of its Rayleigh number and using boundary layer analysis suggests that the mean permeability of the volcanic edifice prior to the unrest event was ~10-14 m2. CO2 release, most likely related to mechanical fracturing of the edifice by over-pressurized fluids at depth and signaled by increased seismicity likely enhanced the hydrothermal Rayleigh number and heat output by a combination of heating and increased permeability. / Master of Science

This study argues that the so-called Sicilian Slave Wars are best understood as two differing instances of civic disquiet, social disorder and provincial revolt in Sicily, rather than as slave wars. Both events are reconnected to their Sicilian context geographically, politically and socially, and shown to have arisen from those contexts. This thesis is demonstrated in seven chapters. Chapter I reassesses the principle evidence for the kingdom established by the rebels in the first war: their numismatic issues. This evidence is best understood in the context of contemporary Sicilian numismatics and emphasises the Sicilian nature of the uprising. It is argued that the insurgency was contingent on the support of certain parts of the (free) Sicilian populace. Chapter II presents a reinterpretation of Diodorus’ text from a narratological point of view. The text is shown to be highly rhetorical and constructed with a view to demonise the leaders of the first war, Eunus and Cleon, through reference to Hellenistic stereotypes of femininity, cowardliness, magic and banditry. Chapter III argues that Diodorus’ explanation of the origin of the war is anachronistic and shows evidence of narratorial intervention and invention, thereby rendering his interpretation unreliable. Chapter IV considers Cicero’s Verrine Orations and shows that his engagement with the two wars in the text cannot be used as a reliable indicator of historical fact because of the text’s continual engagement with history. Chapter V argues that the two leaders of the so-called Second Slave War, Salvius/Tryphon and Athenion, were described using the same matrix of ideas that were present for Eunus and Kleon, for the same rhetorical and narratological effect. Chapter VI analyses Diodorus’ narrative of the origin of the war, and shows that Diodorus only provides a chronology of coincidental events, and beyond a single connective narrative line, demonstrates no connection between these events. Finally, Chapter VII suggests that the best context in which to understand this war is that of a general breakdown of social order on Sicily at the end of the second century B.C. caused by internal political problems in the cities of Sicily. Further, the insurgency led by Salvius/Tryphon and Athenion is shown to be only part of a broader crisis on Sicily that stretched from 106-93 B.C., part of an extended stasis for the island. In sum, I argue that the events typically referred to as the Sicilian Slave Wars are better understood through a focus on the historical contexts provided by the Hellenistic milieu in which the wars arose and the development of the Roman provincial system – rather than through the (preconceived) lens of slavery: instead of servile unrest, there was civic disquiet, social disorder and provincial revolt on Sicily in the 2nd century BC.

Although there is no obvious reason why seismic 6-value and the spatial fractal dimension of earthquakes, D, should be related, there are several reports of observed empirical correlations between these two quantities. In order to investigate this phenomenon, and attempt to relate it to different types of earthquakes, industrially induced seismicity in The Geysers geothermal area, California and earthquake swarms in Long Valley caldera, California were analysed. Raw seismograms from the Unocal-NEC-Thermal network in The Geysers were processed automatically, calculating magnitudes from coda lengths and locating them using a three-dimensional velocity model. Seismicity correlated with the locations of commercial wells and surface fault locations. The entire Geysers dataset was too complex for clear correlations between b, D, seismicity and injection to be observed. In several cases, short pulses of injection induced bursts of seismicity of either small-magnitude, clustered events or large-magnitude diffuse seismicity, resulting always in a transient anomaly of negative b/D. However, sometimes pulses of injection were not accompanied by b/D transients and sometimes b/D transients were not accompanied by known injection. The latter cases may or may not indicate undisclosed injection activity. A seismic crisis in Long Valley caldera was associated with major b/D anomalies that accompanied migration of the activity from a hydrothermal zone on the south edge of the resurgent dome to the right-lateral, blind, near-vertical South Moat fault to the immediate south. The results indicated that the hydrothermal zone is an inhomogeneous structure whereas the South Moat has a mature, coherent fault plane, capable of generating magnitude M = 6 earthquakes and posing a threat to the town of Mammoth Lakes.

On September 4, 2013, two men were shot in the suburb Biskopsgården in Gothenburg. This was the catalysts to a very problematic autumn in both Biskopsgården as in another suburb, Hisingsbacka. The local media reports of the events were very through, where the newspaper Göteborgs-Posten took a leading role. It’s these reports which form the basis, the so called material of our essay. Our purpose with this essay is to examine which kind of medial message about the suburbs and their inhibitors the articles sends out to Göteborgs-Posten’s readers. We did this by putting our material against three issues, the first one was how Göteborgs-Posten did portray the suburbs when it came to; choice of words and phrases, angles and how the photos was composed. The second one was if Göteborgs-Posten had failed in its objective reporting when it came to; an “us versus them” perspective, which kind of medial message was sent out and if the journalist took a subjective position in the article. We also examined which actors were heard and what they represent in the society? We approached this study in a qualitative method way because we felt that we needed to examine the theme in its depth. The result were then linked to our three theories which were; framing, stigma and representation theory. The results from our study showed that our first thoughts about the subject did not match the reality of Göteborg-Posten’s reports. The medial image that was sent out wasn’t that negative as we first expected. The result shows that most of the articles in our sample had not a stigmatized tone or gave a misleading media image of the suburbs. In the cases that did send out a negative image it was mostly in the form of words and phrases. Other results obtained by our content analysis of the Göteborgs-Posten’s reporting on the subject was, for the most part were Swedes in the judicial system followed by affected immigrants who took the most place in the articles. Another interesting result was that both negative and positive stigma was encountered in the articles.

The organisation of this thesis is thematic, in order to disentangle the complexity and significance of the poor laws in a local area. It is a local study of poverty and the operation of the poor laws. The aim of this detailed survey is to consider the role of poor law administration in Surrey within the national context, and by examining the operation of the poor law at the parish level, to understand the experiences of real people, both ratepayer and the poor. The thesis also considers whether the old poor law was fundamentally defective or whether it can be viewed as a valid response to increasing poverty. It stresses, the relationship between the central and local authorities and the administration of poor relief in rural Surrey outside the Metropolitan area and the hundred of Brixton, Wallington and Kingston for the period 1815–1834 (see Map 1.0). It recognises that before 1834, variety rather than uniformity characterised the administration of poor relief in England and Wales. It also argues, that power and authority, within the English state was the product of negotiation between the centre and the localities. Chapter One deals with the historiography of the old poor law and chapter Two considers the decline of rural industry in Surrey, coupled with continuing economic problems in agriculture and falling demand for labour, which had a devastating effect in rural parishes. Chapter Three details the administrative system of poor relief during a period that saw costs of relief rise, while Chapter Four examines the operation of the relief system at parish level outside the workhouse. Chapter Five examines the provision of indoor relief in Surrey, and Chapter Six considers the position of the ratepayers and their ability and willingness to pay increased poor rates, at a time of agricultural depression combined with rising unemployment. Chapter Seven considers the position of the labourer, when endemic poverty meant that a labourer’s ability to provide for his family without asking the parish for assistance was more a matter of luck than personal industry. Seasonal unemployment exacerbated the situation, forcing farm workers on to the parish for assistance, especially in winter months. Chapter Eight considers the unrest of 1830–32, the so-called Swing Riots. Many studies of poor law only make fleeting reference to the riots. This study sees the disturbances as an integral part of the work and includes a detailed investigation into the riots within the social and cultural context. In Surrey, as in other parts of rural southern England, they took place against the background of the progressive pauperisation of labourers, when parishes were finding it more difficult to provide relief for the growing numbers of unemployed, able-bodied agricultural labourers. Labourers saw the riots as a rising against unemployment and the abuses of the poor law system that seemed unable to provide sufficient relief for their needs. The thesis ends by examining the reaction of the parishes immediately after the riots before the introduction of the 1834 poor law, when attempts were made at parish level to alleviate the situation and to stop further unrest.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Education)) -- University of the North, 1992 / Refer to the document

This thesis is a study of Hamilton P. Bee and his role in the American Civil War. Bee was first a Texas brigadier general, in charge of a state militia district, and then a Confederate brigadier general, in command of the Western Sub-District of Texas. His duties included administration, diplomacy, and combat. As commander of the area from San Antonio to the Rio Grande, Bee had to cope with Unionist sentiment, regulation of trade – especially the control and impressment of cotton -- border unrest, relations with Mexico and France, and Federal invasion of the Rio Grande border and occupation of the coast. He also took part in the Confederate action against Nathaniel Banks's Red River Campaign into Louisiana in 1864 and participated in the battles of Mansfield, Pleasant Hill, and Monett's Ferry. Bee proved to be a competent administrator and an excellent diplomat, but no combat general. He ran his sub-district and the cotton trade about as well as anyone could have, and through his arrangements with the cotton owners was the only one who arrived at a viable method whereby the government obtained the needed cotton. His extradition agreement with the Mexicans and his dealings with them kept the peace on the border. But he had no experience in combat, and, when the Union forces invaded Texas at Brownsville, he panicked and ran. His actions in the battles in Louisiana showed him to be courageous and level-headed in the heat of battle, but were still indicative of his inexperience. After Richard Taylor accused him of letting Banks escape and relieved him of duty, Bee could do little to regain public confidence even though he was not at fault. He spent the remainder of the conflict in Texas and at war's end fled to Mexico to escape Unionist wrath. Since Bee was involved in all the major issues of the Trans-Mississippi, a study of his career offers a key to understanding the problems and difficulties in Texas and the failure of the area to live up to its potential to aid the Confederate war effort.