This contribution aims to publicize the efforts made in the identification of gas hydrates in the Uruguayan continental shelf, analyze the most outstanding aspects related to its energy potential, as well as include this topic in other areas of knowledge for a comprehensive understanding of the subject. The hydrates, crystalline solid formed mainly by water and natural gas, are reservoirs of carbon that occur naturally in the continents in permafrost areas, and at sea, in the offshore basins of continental margins. They contain more than twice the total carbon in the world, surpassing the conventional hydrocarbon reserves. Principal energy programs foresee its commercial exploitation by 2015. International research programs include not only the energy aspect, but studying such systems considering their participation in the global carbon cycle, climate change and benthic communities associated with them. In our country, several seismic surveys showed evidence of the presence of gas hydrates in continental shelf and the surrounding area. The first survey was carried out by Brazil in the south of the Brazilian continental shelf, ANCAP then showed the continuity of the hydrate layer on the Uruguayan continental shelf and estimated the gas potential of the mineralized layer (87 TCF). Finally, the BGR survey verified the existence of seismic evidence of gas hydrates layer and the presence of free gas below these. The typical seismic response of gas hydrate and free gas is the BSR (Bottom Simulating Reflector) and is interpreted as a positive intensity reflection, followed by a negative intensity, showing the wave passage from a high acoustic impedance zone to a low acoustic impedance zone.

Šiame darbe keltas tikslas remiantis Urugvajaus lietuvių spauda, kitais šaltiniais bei moksline literatūra atskleisti kairiųjų judėjimų Urugvajaus lietuvių bendruomenėje veiklą XX amžiaus 4 – ajame dešimtmetyje. Darbe išnagrinėtos socialistinio, komunistinio ir anarchistinio judėjimų Urugvajaus lietuvių bendruomenėje susiformavimas, įkurtos organizacijos, jų veikla, skleistos idėjos bei santykis su kitomis bendruomenės organizacijomis. Lietuvių socialistiniam judėjimui pradžią davė nedidelė aktyvistų grupelė, užmezgusi glaudžius ryšius su Urugvajaus socialistų partija, bei įkūrusi jos padalinį - Lietuvių skyrių. Socialistų veiklos centru buvo „Naujoji banga“, kur glaudžiai dirbta kartu su Urugvajaus lietuvių kultūros klubu. Socialistų organizacijas lydėję skylimai lėmė jų įtakos lietuvių bendruomenei silpnėjimą ir „Naujosios bangos“ žlugimą. Galiausiai socialistai susivienija su tautinių bei katalikiškų pažiūrų organizacijomis. Urugvajaus komunistinis judėjimas įsisteigė kaip Argentinoje veikusio judėjimo atšaka. Nuo 1935 metų komunistų aktyvistai telkėsi apie „Darbo“ laikraštį ir Urugvajaus lietuvių darbininkų sąjungą. Jie aktyviai agitavo už darbininkų teises, taip pat propagavo jungimąsi į profesines sąjungas, kooperatyvus, savišalpos draugijas. Komunistams pavyko išplėtoti plačią kultūrinę bei meninę veiklą. Skirtingai nei socialistai, jie ketvirtajame dešimtmetyje išvengė skilimų savo gretose, bei nuosekliai plėtė savo veiklą. Augant komunistų įtakai, šie bandė suvienyti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The goal of this research was to analyze Leftist movements among Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay in the 30‘s of XX century. Research was based mainly on Lithuanian newspapers in Uruguay, as well as on scientific literature and other sources. After investigation on socialist, communist and anarchist movements, their ideas, their relations to other ideological groups was completed the following conclusions were made. Small group of Lithuanian exiles established the Lithuanian section within Socialist Party of Uruguay. Lithuanian section together with Culture Club of Lithuanians in Uruguay published a newspaper “Naujoji banga” which became the center of socialist thought among local Lithuanian Diaspora. But because of divisions among socialist movements they lost their influence on Lithuanian community and in 1940 “Naujoji banga” was closed. In late 30’s socialist movement started to decline, lost its significance and merged with national and catholic movements. Lithuanian communist movement in Uruguay started as a branch of Argentine communist movement. Since 1935 communists gathered around newspaper “Darbas” and Workers Union of Lithuanians in Uruguay. Communists actively campaigned for workers rights, advocated labor unions and cooperatives. Communists succeeded in establishing wide cultural and artistic activity. Unlike the socialists, they avoided division among their ranks and consistently expanded their movement. As their influence on Lithuanian community reached highest... [to full text]

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. Peggy Sharpe, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Modern Languages and Linguistics. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 14, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 134 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis argues that a literary change occurred after the fall of the dictatorships of the Southern Cone, characterized by the emergence of markets that provoked a "mini-boom" in sales and, at the same time, a change of aesthetics which abandoned the allegorical models of the post-boom in favor of a realistic literature in dialogue with popular culture. This is the sign of postmodernity and globalization in Latin America, reflected in its literature, particularly in the short story writing of the Southern Cone, which has utilized the parody and pastiche of the postmodern era without the trivialization that occurred in other parts of the world. With the goal of establishing a periodization that is different from that which has always prevailed in Latin American literature, the thesis proposes the term "post-vanguardist realism" to designate the literature of the 1990s and the twenty-first century in the Southern Cone. As is the case in all periods of rupture and new beginnings, polemics and disputes appeared between literary bands. The disputes protagonized by Alberto Fuguet and Jaime Collyer in Chile, experimentalists and "planetarians" in Argentina, and Escanlar and the generation of '45 in Uruguay, reflect this new commercial and aesthetic reality. Despite the emergence of a literature more in tune with popular culture and pastiche, the continental anthologies that unite these authors demonstrate how their projects began to fade away, and showcase the appearance of new voices, who take the lead after 2000 and break with this type of literature, in favor of a less schematic narrative with more intertextual dialogue, without, however, returning to magical realism. Despite local differences in short story writing and the literary traditions of each country, these new voices are united by a common aesthetic, the use of literary genres and themes from the shared history of the Southern Cone, and by the traumatic experiences of dictatorship and globalization.

Tesis (licenciatura en letras)--Montevideo, Universidad de la República, 1955. / Includes bibliographical references.

O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

O presente trabalho analisa a ditadura civil-militar uruguaia (1973-1984) a partir da perspectiva da política de Terror de Estado, mecanismo implementado para aplicar as premissas da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e defender os interesses dos setores dominantes locais. Da mesma forma, possibilitou o disciplinamento da força de trabalho, exigência implícita nas novas demandas do capitalismo mundial, o que significou, na prática, a destruição do questionamento social e das manifestações por mudanças promovidas pelas distintas organizações populares nos anos 60 e 70. Este período, aliás, foi marcado, na América Latina, tanto pela efervescência produzida pela Revolução Cubana quanto pelo esforço dos EUA em disseminar as concepções contra-insurgentes e reforçar a pentagonização regional. Foi durante as administrações de Pacheco Areco e de Bordaberry (1968-1973), marcadas por acentuada guinada autoritária ainda em regime democrático, que começaram a ser aplicadas determinadas práticas repressivas de Terror de Estado, fato que se projetou, ampliou e consolidou posteriormente, com o regime de exceção. O objetivo norteador da pesquisa foi estudar o conceito de Terror de Estado e analisar sua aplicação na experiência concreta da ditadura uruguaia enquanto metodologia de atuação de um sistema repressivo complexo que abrangeu as múltiplas dimensões da sociedade. Assim, procurou-se destacar a diversidade e articulação das diferentes modalidades de atuação implementadas: a interdição do Poder Legislativo; a subordinação do Poder Judiciário à Justiça Militar; a proibição de partidos políticos, sindicatos e organizações sociais; a intervenção no sistema de ensino; a imposição de uma política global de censura; a iniciativa de refundação societária; a subjugação e destruição do “inimigo interno”; a aplicação de ações contra-insurgentes (a tortura, o "grande encarceramento", a política de "reféns" e os seqüestros seguidos de desaparecimentos forçados); etc. A participação ativa uruguaia na conexão repressiva internacional (Operação Condor) expressou o deslocamento da violência estatal da "guerra interna" contra os núcleos exilados nos países vizinhos. Em síntese, a dinâmica imposta caracterizou o Terror de Estado implementado no Uruguai como sendo abrangente, prolongado, indiscriminado, preventivo, retroativo e extraterritorial além de conter pretensões pedagógicas e ser gerador de seqüelas que se projetaram no período democrático posterior. / This paper intends to analyse the Uruguayan civil-military dictatorship (1973 – 1984) from the perspective of the “State Terror” policy, mechanism implemented to apply the premiss of the “National Security Doctrine” and to defend the local dominant groups interests. In the same way it made possible to discipline the workforce, an implicit requirement of the new world capitalism demands, and that meant the destruction of the social questioning and the demonstrations for changes promoted by different popular organizations in the 60´s and 70´s. This period, as a matter of fact, was marked in Latin America as much by the agitation produced by the Cuban Revolution, as the North American effort to spread the counterinsurgents conceptions and to reinforce the USA influence in the region. It was during the Pacheco Areco and Bordaberry governments (1968-1973), characterized by a strong turn towards authoritarism even in a democratic regime, that some repressive practices of “State Terror” started to be implemented. These practices were projected, enlarged and consolidated subsequently, during the authoritarian regime. The main aim of this paper was to study the concept of “State Terror” and analyses its application in the Uruguayan dictatorship experience, as an acting metodology of a complex repressive system which covered the multiple dimension of the society. Thus, it was intended to emphasize the diversity and the articulation of the different ways of acting implemented: the injunction in the Parliament; the subordination of the Judiciary to the Military Justice; the prohibition of political parties, trade unions and social organizations; the intervention in the educacional system; the imposition of a global censorship policy; the establishment of a new social order; the subjugation and destruction of the internal enemy; the application of counterinsurgents measures (the torture, the “grande encarceramento”, the “hostage” policy and the kidnappings followed by disappearance); etc. The effective Uruguayan participation in the international repressive connection (Condor Operation) expressed the movement from the “internal war” state violence to an action against the exiled activists in neighbour countries. Briefly, the strategies implemented characterized the Uruguayan Terror State as being extensive, prolonged, indiscriminate, preventive, retroactive, and beyond territorial limits, besides having pedagogical intentions and producing sequels in the subsequent democratic period.

Orientador: Francisco Foot Hardman / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T18:57:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Colombo_NataliaRuggiero_M.pdf: 761892 bytes, checksum: bc7a3657d7d4d8ff081dbab511eb3e7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este trabalho pretende investigar as relações entre realidade e ficção em Mario Benedetti debruçando-se, para isso, sobre três romances do autor - Primavera con una esquina rota (1982), La borra del café (1992) e Andamios (1996) - cuja temática principal é o exílio e o desexilio políticos inseridos no contexto da ditadura militar. Pretende-se, na análise dos textos, estudar a função da presença de elementos autobiográficos e a composição literária realizada pelo autor que faz com que o leitor se depare, na totalidade da obra, com uma representação da realidade, e não o simples registro dela mesma. Discutindo, inclusive, conceitos como o de memória, ficção, identidade, linguagem e hibridez de gêneros / Abstract: This study investigates the relationship between fiction and reality in the work of Mario Benedetti. It focuses three novels that approach the topics of exile and return from exile in the context of Uruguay's civic-military dictatorship: Primavera con unaesquinarota (1982), La borradel café (1992) and Andamios (1996). It analyses the function autobiographical elements play in the author's narrative, and the literary style in these novels - that present readers with a representation of reality rather than simply registering facts. Additionally, this study discusses the concepts of memory, fiction, identity, language and cross-genre / Mestrado / Teoria e Critica Literaria / Mestra em Teoria e História Literária

Master of Agribusiness / Department of Agricultural Economics / Ted C. Schroeder / During the last 20 years important changes have taken place in the Uruguayan beef chain. Production of grain finished cattle has become a common practice, supply agreements between packers and groups of farmers have increased and packers have begun to own feedyards. Consequently, the number of cattle pre-committed for procurement by a packer has increased significantly. Three sourcing methods are commonly used by packers to ensure captive supply of grain finished fed cattle: marketing agreements, custom feeding and owning a feedyard. The objective of this thesis is to determine the method or combination of methods that result in improved Uruguayan packer profitability through enhanced packer plant management and utilization. To achieve this objective, a quantitative and qualitative analysis using the different sourcing methods was carried out. The analysis looked to identify the drivers that determine why packers resort to one method of procurement rather than other, or a combination of them; and to determine the methods that result in better packer economic results and plant management. The results show that there is no difference between using marketing agreements and custom feedyards, and that resorting to owned feedyards entails higher costs, using current values for feedyard feed and yardage and 2005-2009 average cattle prices. When different scenarios are assessed, custom feeding emerges as the most cost effective option, followed by marketing agreements. However, when qualitative analysis is included, some doubts arise regarding the quantitative advantage of custom feedyards over the alternatives, and a combination of marketing agreements and owned feedyards may be the best option.