M.A. (African Languages) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The Vhavenḓa are a conservative society and although they admire and follow other people’s cultures, they do not do this at the expense of their own traditions. Most Vhavenḓa are found in the far north of South Africa. The second largest group of Vhavenḓa is found in Gauteng Province. Vhavenḓa first met with the Europeans in the 19th century. The greatest influence on Tshivenḓa culture was brought about by the missionaries, who came with the aim of colonizing Africa and discouraging Africans from following their own culture and traditions, which the missionaries regarded as paganism. They forced Africans to change their African personal names and replace them with European ones, especially if they wanted to attend mission schools or when they sought employment. Traditionally, Tshivenḓa personal names were chosen by the male grandparent or another senior male person, or the role was played by the father of the child. The mother of the child did not have any say in the selection or bestowal of a personal name (Herbert, 1986; Moyo, 1996; Nkumane, 1999; Ndimande, 1998). Whenever Africans choose a personal name, it bears a particular meaning or it is the name of a deceased member of the family (Raper, 1983; Stayt, 1931; Thipa, 1986; Yanga, 1978). They do this in order to pacify the deceased. Africans believe that there are always connections between the living and the dead and that the dead have great influence on the lives of the living. Vhavenḓa practice teknonymy. The parents and the grandparents are addressed by the personal names of their children and grandchildren respectively. The name that is commonly used in this instance is the name of the firstborn. It happens that at times the personal names of the parents and grandparents are never used: some members of the community might never know these people by their real names (Arensen, 1988; Thipa, 1987). African personal names should all have meanings. They are used as a short history of the family or the community. Whenever personal names are used in communication, friction between people is minimized. Morphologically, Tshivenḓa personal names are derived from various Tshivenḓa word categories. They are formed using different morphemes that are available in the language. These morphemes assign meaning to the personal name. / African languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African languages)

The Vhavenḓa are a conservative society and although they admire and follow other people’s cultures, they do not do this at the expense of their own traditions. Most Vhavenḓa are found in the far north of South Africa. The second largest group of Vhavenḓa is found in Gauteng Province. Vhavenḓa first met with the Europeans in the 19th century. The greatest influence on Tshivenḓa culture was brought about by the missionaries, who came with the aim of colonizing Africa and discouraging Africans from following their own culture and traditions, which the missionaries regarded as paganism. They forced Africans to change their African personal names and replace them with European ones, especially if they wanted to attend mission schools or when they sought employment. Traditionally, Tshivenḓa personal names were chosen by the male grandparent or another senior male person, or the role was played by the father of the child. The mother of the child did not have any say in the selection or bestowal of a personal name (Herbert, 1986; Moyo, 1996; Nkumane, 1999; Ndimande, 1998). Whenever Africans choose a personal name, it bears a particular meaning or it is the name of a deceased member of the family (Raper, 1983; Stayt, 1931; Thipa, 1986; Yanga, 1978). They do this in order to pacify the deceased. Africans believe that there are always connections between the living and the dead and that the dead have great influence on the lives of the living. Vhavenḓa practice teknonymy. The parents and the grandparents are addressed by the personal names of their children and grandchildren respectively. The name that is commonly used in this instance is the name of the firstborn. It happens that at times the personal names of the parents and grandparents are never used: some members of the community might never know these people by their real names (Arensen, 1988; Thipa, 1987). African personal names should all have meanings. They are used as a short history of the family or the community. Whenever personal names are used in communication, friction between people is minimized. Morphologically, Tshivenḓa personal names are derived from various Tshivenḓa word categories. They are formed using different morphemes that are available in the language. These morphemes assign meaning to the personal name. / African languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African languages)

In this study an attempt is made to describe the morphological apects of Tshiguvhu. In chapter 1, it is indicated that historically, there was extensive early contact between Vhaguvhu and Balobedu and Tlokwa. In ,chapters 2 and 3, nouns and pronouns are analysed morphologically. Some similarities and differences between Tshiguvhu and Tshivenda are highlighted. These differences are ascribed to influences from Lobedu and Tlokwa. In chapters 4 and 5, the form of the verb and the use of verb forms in various tenses, where applicable, are described morphologically. Some verb roots and extensions have been influenced by Northern Sotho dialects whereas some have not. In chapter 6, the morphology of adverbs, interrogatives, conjunctions, ideophones and interjections are briefly described. In conclusion, it is indicated that Tshiguvhu is a dialect of Venda because of its cultural and historical bonds with Venda, although linguistically it shares some features with certain Northern Sotho dialects. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

In this study an attempt is made to describe the morphological apects of Tshiguvhu. In chapter 1, it is indicated that historically, there was extensive early contact between Vhaguvhu and Balobedu and Tlokwa. In ,chapters 2 and 3, nouns and pronouns are analysed morphologically. Some similarities and differences between Tshiguvhu and Tshivenda are highlighted. These differences are ascribed to influences from Lobedu and Tlokwa. In chapters 4 and 5, the form of the verb and the use of verb forms in various tenses, where applicable, are described morphologically. Some verb roots and extensions have been influenced by Northern Sotho dialects whereas some have not. In chapter 6, the morphology of adverbs, interrogatives, conjunctions, ideophones and interjections are briefly described. In conclusion, it is indicated that Tshiguvhu is a dialect of Venda because of its cultural and historical bonds with Venda, although linguistically it shares some features with certain Northern Sotho dialects. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)