The right to vote is one of the fundamental rights of citizens in democratic countries. In the United States, however, this action is preceded by the obligation to register. Election registrations are still seen as a limiting element of electoral law. The aim of this work is to find out how the registration was influenced in the past and what influenced the number of registered citizens and voter participation in the presidential elections in 2016. The first part deals with federal electoral registration reforms and looks at the current situation. The second part consists of a research in which the relationship determination is utilized by the Pearson correlation coefficient. The work concludes that the ratio of registered age to eligible voters has not increased, although the demographic curve continues to rise. In the case of factors that may affect the number of registered, the direct relationship has not been established. On the contrary, a direct correlation has been shown in the case of the same factors with the turnout in the presidential election.

The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The democratic order is still in its early evolutionary stages in South Africa. Although the success of the 1994 democratic elections kindled hope for a promising future, democracy needs to be safeguarded if it is to develop in South Africa. Safeguarding a democracy requires a constant scrutiny of governing policies and procedures to ensure that they remain conducive to its positive development. Of fundamental importance to the transmission of democracy is an electoral system and its policies. Any electiongoverning policy that reduces public confidence in the electoral system is not conducive to the development of a democracy. This study analyses the policy of voter registration as it directly impacts on the format of an election. Since this policy is being applied for the first time in the short history legitimate democratic elections in South Africa, the study looks beyond the noble objectives as given by the policymakers. The lEC and the Government argue that the policy is aimed at improving the legitimacy of the electoral system by eliminating the ID related forms of electoral fraud. The significance of the study lies in its critical analysis of the actual policymaking process of this legislation, as well as its implementation. In order to assess the democratic legitimacy of the policymaking stage, the study takes a closer look at the roles of all the stakeholders in the policymaking process. Further, the study describes the constitutional controversies of the provisions of the policy, as well as its actual registration process. The understanding behind the latter description is that a policy is of no use if it cannot be implemented. In short, by describing, explaining and analysing the policy from its historical, legislative, and implementation phases, the study gives an insight into how this new policy relates to the development of the South African democracy. Although this study found no conclusive evidence of the negative impact of the policy on the outcome of the election, the nature of debates, the practical difficulties of implementation by the IEC, as well as the Court debates have all raised new questions that could require further analysis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die demokratiese bewind in Suid-Afrika is tans nog in die vroeë stadia van ontwikkeling. Hoewel die sukses van die demokratiese verkiesings in 1994 die vertroue in die moontlikheid van 'n belowende toekoms laat styg het, moet voortdurend gewaak word teen afbreek van die demokrasie in Suid-Afrika, en ruimte gemaak word vir die verdere ontwikkeling daarvan. Die beveiliging van 'n demokrasie verg aanhoudende noukeurige beskouing van die regering se beleid, en die uitvoer daarvan, om te verseker dat dit die positiewe ontwikkeling van die demokrasie bevorder. Die verkiesingstelsel en beleid is van fundamentele belang vir die vestiging van demokrasie. 'n Beleid wat die algemene vertroue in die verkiesingstelsel benadeel, sal nie die ontwikkeling van enige demokrasie bevorder nie. Hierdie studie ontleed die direkte invloed van die kieserregistrasie-beleid op die formaat van die 1999 verkiesing. Aangesien hierdie beleid vir die eerste keer in die kort geskiedenis van Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesings toegepas word, kyk die studie verder as die edele doel beoog deur die skeppers van die beleid. Die OVK en die Regering beweer dat die beleid gerig is daarop om die regverdigheid van die verkiesingstelsel te verbeter deur die uitskakeling van ID-verbonde verkiesingsbedrog. Die studie is veral belangrik in die kritiese ontleding van die skeppingsproses van die beleid self, sowel as die implementering daarvan. Om die demokratiese regverdigheid van die skeppingstadium van die beleid te kan beoordeel, val die soeklig veralop die rol van alle deelnemers aan hierdie proses. Die grondwetlike probleme met dele van die beleid sowel as die registrasieproses word beskryf. Hierdie beskrywing word gedoen vanuit die oogpunt dat 'n beleid geen doel kan dien tensy dit geïmplementeer kan word nie. Kortliks, deur die beleid te beskryf, te verduidelik en te ontleed in sy historiese, wetgewende en implementeringsfases, gee die studie 'n insig in die verhouding van hierdie nuwe beleid tot die ontwikkeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse demokrasie. Hoewel geen afdoende bewyse van 'n negatiewe invloed van die beleid op die uitkoms van die verkiesing deur hierdie studie bewys is nie, is sake wat verdere ontleding kan verg geopper in verband met die aard van die besprekings om die beleid, die praktiese moeilikhede van implementering deur die OVK, asook die besprekings in die hof.

This study assesses the levels of diversity in the jury source lists in the State of Georgia utilizing voter registration data as of February 1997, and the effects of the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) on diversity levels. The data indicates that, while the NVRA has increased registration rates, the rates for blacks has been only slightly higher than that of whites. Thus, the problems of diversity have not been significantly effected by the NVRA.This paper discusses the issue of cognizable class, and reiterates arguments supporting the recognition of young persons and non-voters as cognizable. Also assessed are the methods of measuring source list disparity, with attention given to problems associated with the absolute disparity test, and argues for the use of the Chi-Square "Goodness of Fit" test to measure source list disparity.Current levels of disparity are calculated using both absolute disparity and ChiSquare. These are found in the appendix. Analysis is done by assessing the percentage of source lists (for which there is data) that should be presumed invalid using the five percent criterion for absolute disparity and the fifty percent criterion for Chi-Square.Analysis using both absolute disparity and Chi-Square indicates that many source lists in the State of Georgia are not representative of the population. While absolute disparity invalidates only few source lists, the Chi-Square statistic indicates that the problem is much more widespread.Both absolute disparity and Chi-Square results indicate that age is the most important variable with regard to under-representation. Young persons (18-29) are found to be under-represented more often than any other group regardless of race and/or sex. This is particularly evident when looking at the Chi-square results. While blacks are generally found to be under-represented more often when compared to similar sex and age aggregates for whites, the levels of under-representation of race and sex aggregates remain closely related to age. / Department of Political Science

Ratification of the 26th Amendment in 1971 was a watershed event in America's long and often tumultuous electoral reform journey. The persistently low voter turnout of newly enfranchised 18-20 year-olds since then not only is troubling from a democratic perspective but also is puzzling in light of the rapidly rising educational attainment of this age group during the same period. In this investigation, I develop an original theoretical frame by which to examine relationships between the 1972-2006 voter turnout patterns of 26th Amendment eligible voters and a large complement of educational and non-educational influences manifested during the end of high school and the years immediately following high school. Drawing upon multiple data sources, including a greatly under-utilized national survey series that is maintained under National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) auspices, I reaffirm the overall strength of educational attainment as a young adult voter turnout predictor while providing new evidence that attainment effects are attenuated by other educational and non-educational circumstances and traits. My results, which also reveal the dynamism of these influences in predicting young adult voter turnout, are suggestive of five areas in which the 26th Amendment can serve as a teachable moment to strengthen the democratic education mission through: (1) expanded post-high school enrollment opportunities; (2) energized high school citizenship training; (3) strengthened connections between the high school literacy and civics curricula; (4) improved use of technology to deliver civically relevant messages; and (5) more aggressive voter registration efforts on high school and college campuses.

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center. / Minutes originally posted on Dec. 3rd, 2013; correction made to minutes and reposted on Feb. 3rd, 2014.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the fall of 1917, between 30,000 and 40,000 Indianapolis women registered to vote. The passage of the Maston-McKinley partial suffrage bill earlier that year gave women a significantly amplified voice in the public realm. This victory was achieved by a conservative group of Hoosier suffragists and reformers. However, the women lost their right to vote in the fall of 1917 due to two Indiana Supreme Court rulings.