The process of democratization which appeared in the nineteenth century was partly responsible for the emergence of a mass readership. It consisted of the new urban population which had its own tastes and interests, intellectual capacity and purchasing power. The popular press was firmly established by 1900 and it radically altered the scope and style of daily journalism in its attempt to speak in the language of the majority. Philip Gibbs was one of the prominent journalists between 1900 and 1914. His aspiration to become a war correspondent stemmed from the image of the war correspondent as a figure of romance and adventure, the consequence of the militarist spirit of the age and the licence which granted him freedom of movement. Inevitably, the war correspondent carne in conflict with the military which had not kept pace with democratization and sensed a challenge to itself and to national security. Censorship and restrictions on the war correspondent tightened, until major army reforms between 1901 and 1912 brought more cordial relations between the press and the military. When the Great War broke out in 1914 the co-operative atmosphere broke down as censorship was reinstated, more severely than before. It challenged the freedom of the press and the right of the people to know. Gibbs was determined that the people should have access to news from the front. He fought hard for that objective and was instrumental in the compromise reached between the military and the press when an officially recognized system was devised for press representation on the Western Front. The wisdom of such a move was shown by the success of Philip Gibbs' war correspondence, which had appeal to a mass readership in its own language and with subjects of interest to it.

The aim of this paper is to trace the role Japan's print media played in the course by which the nation came to be imagined in the late nineteenth century, and once conceived, altered and expanded in the early twentieth century. By the conclusion of the Russo-Japanese War (1905) a shift from a multiplicity of ideological articulations vis à vis the nation to a hegemony of "official" nationalism, which incorporated imperialism, had occured. How Japanese newspapers became an effective and powerful ideological institution which served to facilitate the hegemony of "official" nationalism is here examined. As the manner in which a culture communicates is a dominant influence on the formation of a culture's social and intellectual preoccupations, the monopoly of print in Meiji Japan makes an analysis of it a crucial first step in understanding how Japanese nationalism developed. Meiji newspapers evolved through four distinct phases: "pro-establishment," "political," "early commercial," and "fully commercial." In each succeeding stage of development, news was more finely strained. Print media's commercial coming of age had significant consequences: "official" nationalism became hegemonic, non-"official" nationalisms were effectively marginalized, and print came to play an increasingly central role in the body politic. An examination of editorial coverage of the war indicates the 1903-1905 period was pivotal to this development. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Through historical and content analyses of war coverage, this study qualitatively addresses emotional quality, use of sources, and implied use of technology to better understand the tension between Vietnam and Afghanistan war correspondents and their military counterparts. Early American democracy aspired to give total freedom to its people. But the American military, in its quest to uphold the ideas of democracy, has often challenged the freedom of press clause set forth by the United States Constitution. Since the Vietnam era, the relationship between the military and the media has been plagued by questions of censorship, assertions of falsehood, and threats to national security. But it is the technological advancements in both reporting and combat techniques that have caused a disappearance of the nostalgic war coverage that American correspondents once prospered from. The possibility of returning to journalists' vision of unrestricted press access is all but lost due to such advancements.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-08 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This research aims to analyze two journalistic productions regarding to the recent phenomena that led to the expansion of the paramilitary group Daesh into a 'Caliphate', the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Several media companies sent correspondents and journalists who, through news, sought to keep their viewers connected and informed about the ongoing war. Two productions among the great tangle of information available on the internet stand out in this matter: the documentary The Islamic State (2014), produced by the American news company Vice, and the magazine Dabiq (2014-2016) produced by the ISIS itself. Tied with the studies of audiovisual, journalistic and recent sources, the research seeks to follow the 'History of the Present', addressing issues focused on the media construction of EIIL in order to discuss the nuances, approximations and distancing of both productions in focus / A presente pesquisa busca analisar duas produções jornalísticas sobre o fenômeno recente da expansão do grupo paramilitar islâmico Daesh em um ‘Califado’, o chamado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante (EIIL). Diversas companhias de comunicação enviaram correspondentes e jornalistas que, através de notícias, buscaram manter seus espectadores conectados e informados sobre a guerra em andamento. Duas produções dentre o grande emaranhado de informações disponíveis na internet se destacam neste sentido: o documentário The Islamic State (2014), produzido pela companhia norte-americana de notícias Vice, e a revista Dabiq (2014-2016) realizada e produzida pelo próprio EIIL. Ancorada nos estudos perante fontes audiovisuais e jornalísticas, a pesquisa visa ir ao encontro da ‘História do Presente’ abordando questões voltadas à construção midiática do EIIL de maneira a discutir as nuances, aproximações e distanciamentos das produções em foco

The purpose of this study is to investigate how local and foreign newspapers used the war journalism and peace journalism frames when covering the Sri Lankan civil war, and to uncover subframes specific to the conflict. The first part of the thesis provides an in- depth literature review that addresses the history of the conflict and media freedom in Sri Lanka. The newspaper articles for the textual analysis were selected from mainstream Sri Lankan and U.S newspapers: the Daily News (a state sponsored newspaper) and Daily Mirror from Sri Lanka, and the New York Times and Washington Post from the U.S. A total of 185 articles were analyzed and categorized into war journalism and peace journalism. Next, subframes specific to the Sri Lankan conflict were identified. The overall coverage is dominated by the peace journalism frame, and the strongest war journalism frame is visible in local newspaper articles. Furthermore, two subframes specific to the Sri Lanka conflict were identified: war justification subframe and humanitarian crisis subframe. In conclusion, the study reveals that in the selected newspapers, the peace journalism frame dominated the coverage of the Sri Lankan civil war. All in all, while adding to the growing scholarship of media framing in international conflicts, the study will benefit newspaper editors and decision-makers by providing textual analysis of content produced from the coverage of war and conflict during a dangerous time period for both journalists and the victims of war.

This study reports the findings of a systematic visual content analysis of 356 randomly sampled images published about the Iraq War in Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report from 2003-2009. In comparison to a 1995 Gulf War study, published images in all three newsmagazines continued to be U.S.-centric, with the highest content frequencies reflected in the categories U.S. troops on combat patrol, Iraqi civilians, and U.S. political leaders respectively. These content categories do not resemble the results of the Gulf War study in which armaments garnered the largest share of the images with 23%. This study concludes that embedding photojournalists, in addition to media economics, governance, and the media-organizational culture, restricted an accurate representation of the Iraq War and its consequences. Embedding allowed more access to both troops and civilians than the journalistic pool system of the Gulf War, which stationed the majority of journalists in Saudi Arabia and allowed only a few journalists into Iraq with the understanding they would share information. However, the perceived opportunity by journalists to more thoroughly cover the war through the policy of embedding was not realized to the extent they had hoped for. The embed protocols acted more as an indirect form of censorship.