Thesis (M.M.H.S.)--Victoria University of Wellington, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Bowling Green State University, 2006. / Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 132 p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-206).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 125-132).

No description available.

Does violence against women increase in the aftermath of war? If so, why? Scholars and policy-makers have begun to ask questions about violence against women in the post-conflict space, yet complexities in measurement and a focus on outcomes (rather than mechanisms) leave essential questions unanswered. This dissertation refines and scopes these questions to learn about whether, how, and why the social context that supports violence against women changes as a result of war. The central argument of this dissertation is that armed conflict fosters protective masculine norms that, in turn, affect how communities socially sanction or punish local crimes, including violence against women. Drawing insights from feminist theory, economics, social psychology and political science, the theory of protective masculine norms describes a process by which the gendered nature of protection and exigencies of community security lead communities to choose more severe punishment for public crimes deemed to threaten their communities. Protection tradeoffs, however, also lead people to choose less severe punishment for other "private" crimes. I derive and examine the observable implications of this theory in the context of eastern DR Congo, a place where there are high levels of violence against women that has also been exposed to high levels of insecurity associated with armed violence in the distant and recent past. Chapter 1 lays the framework for the dissertation; describing the social nature of violence against women, processes of norm change, the research approach, and the derivation of protective masculine norms theory. Then, because protective masculine norms are broadly shared across societies, Chapter 2 investigates the nature of war, law, and punishment processes in eastern DR Congo to understand how the theory and findings travel to other contexts. Chapter 3 motivates the theory of protective masculine norms by providing the empirical foundation for differentiating between forms of violence against women and placing them in a framework with other crimes. Contrary to prominent theories about empowerment, backlash and violent masculinities; armed conflict fails to affect preferences for punishing rape and domestic violence in a unidirectional way. Armed conflict increases how severely people prefer to punish rape and stealing, but decreases how severely people prefer to punish domestic violence. The qualitative evidence underscores the relevance of disaggregating crimes against women in terms of public community threats and private crimes. Chapter 4 explicates the theory of protective masculine norms, grounding it in the literature and in the case. I examine the quantitative and descriptive evidence related to alternative hypotheses that may account for armed conflict's effects: exposure to wartime crimes, security structures and demographic change. Finding little support for alternative theories, I describe the design of and results from qualitative work probing central propositions within protective masculine norms theory: Protection is gendered, people have shared memories of conflict incidents, this affects their subsequent behaviors, and internal crimes are related to perceived provision of protection. Since sanctioning is a public act subject to group dynamics and norms, Chapter 5 examines the implications of protective masculine norms and the findings about preference change for how groups choose to punish crimes. Armed conflict may affect how groups choose to punish crimes by changing individual-level preferences, by changing group dynamics, neither, or both. I find that armed conflict affects group preferences primarly through individual-level preference change, underscoring the relevance of preference change for social sanctioning in the aftermath of war. The data also show that group dynamics make people's preferences more extreme, suggesting the importance of norms to shaping preferences - a central tenet of the theory. Chapter 6 discusses the emerging research agenda of protective masculine norms and its contributions. Questions remain about levels of violence against women after war. But, already protective masculine norms has begun to unify a formerly disparate set of findings emerging about armed conflict, domestic violence, and social and legal change.

L'objet de la présente étude repose sur l'histoire de la gendarmerie dans le département du Gard. Cette histoire locale doit permettre de comprendre l'histoire générale de l'arme. Notre recherche s'appuie sur des archives manuscrites qui sont des correspondances entre les autorités locales, des lettres entre l'État et la Gendarmerie, des procès-verbaux, des registres, quelques pétitions des gendarmes. Les cavaliers de Maréchaussée puis les gendarmes se conforment aux lois issues du passé et obéissent aux nouvelles. Mais la Révolution distingue les pouvoirs de police, des pouvoirs de justice. Il faut concevoir des institutions capables d'en assurer la mise en œuvre. Quand est-il de la publication des lois et de leur diffusion? Les gendarmes obéissent à la loi. Les gendarmes doivent appliquer la loi et la faire appliquer. Comment empêcher l'exécution sommaire d'une personne lors d'une émeute de subsistance ? Notre travail, la naissance de la gendarmerie nationale dans le Gard se découpe en quatre parties. Dans un premier temps, j'ai essayé de répondre aux questions soulevées par l'implantation des gendarmeries dans le Gard. À travers la lecture des baux nous avons pu approfondir le rôle du procureur général syndic Griolet qui gère le maintien de l'ordre. Administrateur départemental, il gère le quotidien des gendarmes. La deuxième partie demeure un axe central de notre travail, il porte sur le salaire des gendarmes et leurs chevaux. C'est avec ces derniers qu'ils accomplissent les tournées journalières sur les grands chemins. La Convention Thermidorienne et le Directoire, malgré les conditions économiques désastreuses n'abandonnent pas les gendarmes. Dans la troisième partie, je me suis attachée à démontrer l'interaction de la gendarmerie et des événements politiques. La Convention est avertie du comportement suspect des gendarmes. À l'armée du Rhin, la contestation se manifeste par la désertion des gendarmes. Ils rentrent dans leur département sans congé, sans chevaux, sans manteau. Ces retours provoquent une incompréhension. Le Colonel Nacquard est accusé de fédéralisme, il est écroué. La dernière partie est centrée sur l'action des gendarmes. Leur intervention est au cœur du maintien de l'ordre et de la mise en application des lois. C'est un travail qui ressort du service ordinaire et extraordinaire. En conclusion, la gendarmerie est définitivement intégrée à l'armée, elle perd son indépendance et reste soumise au pouvoir exécutif. / The purpose of this study is based on the history on the history of the gendarmerie in the Gard department ; The local history is to understand the general history of the weapon. Our research is based on handwritten archives are correspondences between local authorities, letters between the state and the gendarmes, minutes, record, some petitions of the gendarmes. Riders of constabulary and the gendarmes comply with legislation from the past and obey the news. But the revolution distinguishes the police powers of the powers of justice. We must design institutions capable of ensuring implementation. When is the publication of laws and dissemination ? The gendarmes obey the law. The gendarmes should enforce the law and enforce it. How to disable the summary execution of a person during a riot of subsistence ? Our work : the birth of the gendarmerie in the Gard is divided into four parts. At first, I tried to answer the questions raised by the implementation of police stations in the Gard. Through the reading of the leases, we could deepen the role of the Attorney General Griolet which manages the law enforcement. County Administrator, it manages the daily gendarmes. The second part remains a central focus of our work, it covers the salaries of gendarmes and their herses. It is with them that they do daily tours on the highways. Thermidorian Convention and the Executive despite the dire economic conditions do not give the gendarmes. ln the third part I attached to demonstrate the interaction of the gendannes and political events. The Convention is notified of the suspicions behavior of the gendarmes. ln the army of the Rhine, the challenge is manifested by the desertion of the gendarmes. They leave without returning to their department, without herses, without a coat. These returns cause misunderstanding. The Nacquard colonel accused of federalism, it is emprisoned. The last part focuses on the actions of the gendarmes. Their intervention is central to the maintenance of order and the enforcement of laws. lt is a work that emerges from ordinary and extraordinary service. ln conclusion, the gendarmerie is definitely integrated into the army, it loses its independence and remains subject to executive power.

No description available.

This thesis explores the existence and outlook of a European officer class in the mid- to later 18th century by studying the army officers of Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy from the War of the Austrian Succession to the eve of the French Revolutionary Wars. It illuminates the character of such an officer class of ‘Military Europe’ with its own cultural customs and practices. Furthermore, it details similarities, differences and peculiarities of both officer corps. This is achieved by analysing the social and national composition of both armies, with a focus here on the Habsburg Army due to the fact that it took in great numbers of foreigners and that the muster lists give an indication of how great the proportion of nobility was. A comparison with the British case shows striking similarities but also obvious differences. In a further step the ability of individuals for social advancement and national mobility is scrutinised on both sides. In this context, the state’s care for its officers and their social security is also taken into account. One possibility to acknowledge the officers’ service was to raise their status, either by ennoblement or through increasing the prestige of the uniform in court and society, its transformation into an ‘Ehrenkleid’ (garment of honour). As officers increasingly became servants to the state, rather than noble retainers and military enterprisers, they were also subject to professionalization efforts by the sovereigns. What becomes apparent, however, is that the officers did not only react to such measures but that at least a significant part of them actively worked on improving the service, thereby exhibiting a growing professionalism. In order to explore the coherence of the officer corps in those armies, with officers all following the same codes and accepting each other as equals, the thesis looks into core values (including honour, duty, courage and loyalty) binding them together and separating them from the enlisted men. The thesis will also offer a glimpse of their engagement with civilian society and culture as well as their role as ‘foot soldiers of Enlightenment’. On a European level, interaction between these officers proves their general acceptance of and respect for each other, while at the same time acting as state representatives in wartimes. Their interaction with non-European and non-state military forces and their leadership marks out the fluid boundaries of military Europe, but also exhibits the pervasiveness of European military culture.

This thesis analyzes how Eisenhower defined war and its utility in his New Look defense policy and the ramifications for America’s interactions with the world through its foreign policy. It argues that Eisenhower redefined the relationship between war and society as he executed his grand strategy, further removing society from the decision for war. To avoid what he believed to be the inevitable global destruction of a general war turned nuclear, Eisenhower broadened the scope of ‘war” to balance domestic opinion for containing communism while also avoiding the devastating consequences of war in American society. By authorizing coups in Iran and Guatemala, Eisenhower blurred the line between coercive diplomacy and violent political warfare. President Eisenhower’s reliance on covert action to achieve political outcomes prevented general or nuclear war but it strengthened an emerging model for society’s relationship with war. Political warfare and covert action increased the gap between society and the commitment of American power during the Cold War. In his effort to prevent war, Eisenhower expanded presidential power and set a precedent that continues today.