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In the past researches, the discussions of war took place in the predominantly male mainstream, and neglected gendered war roles. This study attempts to combine war, state with women and discuss women under wartime mobilization in Taiwan. Since the Chinese civil war erupted in 1946, Taiwan has become one of the supporting places of military matters. After the Chinese civil war, Kuomintang government moved its temporary capital to Taipei Taiwan in 1949. However, when Kuomintang government moved in Taiwan, it also simultaneously transplanted the wartime mobilization in Taiwan. The purpose of this thesis lies in discusses the connection between the state and women as well as the relations of women under wartime mobilization. To figure out the female model that was constructed by the state in the wartime and the relations of women under the power structure. Further to analyze the purpose behind the policy of wartime mobilization, and the influence on women. From this thesis we observe that the purpose of the wartime mobilization was for Kuomintang government¡¦s political power. Besides, women played the subordinate role under the wartime mobilization, didn¡¦t exert their abilities by the war, but carried on traditional division of labor. Definitely, the wartime mobilization was a method to consolidate authoritarian regime. Furthermore, women mobilization and strengthening men dominating women were parts of this method.

This thesis focuses on wartime thrift and patriotic consumer campaigns as central features of the Canadian home front experience during the First World War. Using records from government officials, federal departments, and volunteer service organizations, as well as examples from newspapers, magazines, and other wartime publications, this study explores the ways in which wartime standards of acceptable consumption and patriotic spending and saving were developed, challenged and negotiated. It traces a shift in sensibilities from a spending to saving ethos through the lens of the Business as Usual and Made in Canada campaigns which, by mid-war, gave way to the thrift and food conservation campaigns. Notions of wartime patriotism demanded that every Canadian “do their bit”; thus, public participation in wartime thrift and saving was encouraged through widespread organized campaigns and enforced through informal surveillance networks. This study argues that wartime calls for thrift and sacrifice, meant to support a national project aimed at ensuring victory, were undermined by an apparent and persistent inequality; many Canadians perceived wartime policies as protective of the wealthy and business-owning minority at the expense of the working and agricultural majority. Moreover, as the war continued, it became clear that some Canadians refused to “do their bit” and continued to make unpatriotic consumer choices; this gave rise to an outspoken anti-luxury and anti-wealth movement. This study further argues that wartime scrutiny of individual choices, as viewed through the lens of wartime spending and saving, revealed a great concern over the moral integrity of Canada and its citizens. Many Canadians viewed the war as an opportunity to revisit and instill those moral habits of thrift and self-sacrifice that appeared to be startlingly absent from the current generation – an absence they blamed on both the perils of modern consumerism and the general ineptitude and selfishness of the masses. Thus, the government, in collaboration with large service organizations, launched a national project of social engineering aimed at instilling Canadians with a proper sense of thrift and saving that would not only aid in the war effort but could be carried forth into the postwar world. As such, this thesis illuminates the tensions between the individualism inherent in modern capitalism and the communalism demanded by wartime patriotism. While the market became subordinate to the government and the widespread spirit of self sacrifice, federal officials and patriotic proponents struggled to rein in the overwhelming desire of Canadians to participate in the market economy unfettered by the moral restraints of wartime.

The Peace Pledge Union was Britain's premier pacifist organization during the years of the Second World War, and Vera Brittain one of its most influential leaders. Neither has been the subject of close historical examination. The Union, founded fifty years ago by Canon 'Dick' Sheppard, was a direct product of the "never again" mood so pervasive in Britain during the 1920s and 1930s, although its sources of inspiration and principles resulted from deeper traditions. The heritage of the Peace Pledge Union was Christian, Radical, Liberal, Dissenting, Humanitarian and Socialist. It was also peculiarly English because the experience of relatively stable parliamentary government made generous allowance for the expression of dissent. But the Second World War placed British democracy and its associated traditions in a crucible. Yet the vitality of these values was sustained by the Peace Pledge Union and other voices of dissent. Until recent years radical groups and their leaders have tended to be relegated to the sidelines of history as the "also rans", a tendency that has arguably distorted the historical balance. The present study seeks to contribute to a partial redressing of this balance by exploring the inspiration, background and work of the wartime Peace Pledge Union. By its continued existence, and determination to express its minority view, the Peace Pledge Union made an important contribution to the maintenance of the democratic right of dissent and the privileges of English parliamentary democracy. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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This dissertation examines the survival and expansion strategies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by focusing on its organization and mobilization activities during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945). I argue that the Communist forces quickly expanded during the wartime not merely because the War provided an opportunity to avoid the Guomingdang (GMD)’s intensive military aggression and legitimately expand itself throughout China. More importantly, it also allowed the CCP to develop a unique political culture with a grasp on local knowledge during the years under investigation. This cultural climate worked to rejuvenate itself through organizational consolidation and the rebuilding of political identity. Together, these factors accounted for the dramatic expansion of the CCP’s membership and military forces, which prepared the Party for its takeover of the country after the Japanese surrender. The main body of this dissertation is composed of five thematic chapters. Chapter two explores the CCP’s penetration into local society through mass resistance associations and political renovation of existing power structures. Chapter three investigates Communist propaganda activities, the success of which laid in coordination with the Party’s follow-up organizational arrangements. The next chapter examines the Communist educational institutions as a channel of mass mobilization that further reinforced its penetration into various social groups. Chapter five uses Grain Tax, conscription and mobilization of anti-pacification campaign, all of which required personal sacrifice from the masses, as three instances that exemplified the Party’s controllability over local communities. Finally, chapter six focuses on its strategies to contain undesirable tendencies of local cadres and strengthen ideological consensus within the Party. / text

Discussions about the early films of Humphrey Jennings refer to his artistic and intellectual background to explain the nature and scope of his film work. Such discussions, however, tend to rely on highly selective and partial information from existing accounts. This tendency has over time created a form of orthodox opinion, an opinion which tends to regard Jennings as an artist and intellectual who, prior to full-time involvement with film, collaborated and worked on a diverse series of artistic and intellectual projects spread across a wide range of subjects and disciplines. These activities are seen as symptomatic of a mind which could not remain focussed on one particular endeavour. However Jennings` early wartime films express in quintessential form many of his ideas, and through a distinctive form of poetic expression celebrate both the civilian response to and the need for national unity under the threat of invasion. The aim of this thesis is to revise the existing understanding of Jennings' artistic and intellectual background and challenge the prevailing interpretations of his early propaganda films between 1939 and 1942. It is hoped to reveal how his artistic and intellectual pursuits and his film work represent a sustained and coherent intellectual and artistic exercise focussed on the nature of artistic technique. This focus dates from the activities of his parents and continues through his educational experiences at school and university. Simultaneously this engagement with the arts was informed and influenced by contemporary economic, social, cultural and political events. It is these factors which inform the nature and scope of his filmwork. In artistic, intellectual and political terms the series of films Jennings produced and directed between 1939 and 1942 represent in style and form a fundamental challenge to John Grierson's understanding of the meaning, nature and role of the documentary and propaganda film. Jennings' challenge to the Griersonian ideal of documentary film also contests the political meaning behind both pre-war documentary and wartime propaganda notions of national unity and the future post war settlement.

American Indian women veterans of World War II are the least known group of World War II military veterans. With an estimated wartime enlistment of eight-hundred, these women have not received the academic attention they deserve and very little information on their lives and military experiences has been available. This project addresses this disparity by focusing on certain key questions. What early life experiences influenced these Native women to enlist in the military? Did their experiences affect their adjustment to military life? What were their duty assignments and stations and how did their military experiences influence their life choices in the years after the war? In other words, did their military experiences contribute to or influence their commitment to their communities and to the greater good for indigenous peoples? Equally as important, how did their feelings about the war change over time? What emphasis did they place on their military service? What common themes emerge among these women and do their experiences reflect or differ from those of their Native male counterparts and of other military women during World War II? These questions are approached through an oral history format utilizing quantitative and qualitative methods and theories of collective memory. This project also explores the issue of Native and tribal identities as they influenced these veterans in their decisions regarding military enlistment and community service.