This dissertation examines the survival and expansion strategies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by focusing on its organization and mobilization activities during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945). I argue that the Communist forces quickly expanded during the wartime not merely because the War provided an opportunity to avoid the Guomingdang (GMD)’s intensive military aggression and legitimately expand itself throughout China. More importantly, it also allowed the CCP to develop a unique political culture with a grasp on local knowledge during the years under investigation. This cultural climate worked to rejuvenate itself through organizational consolidation and the rebuilding of political identity. Together, these factors accounted for the dramatic expansion of the CCP’s membership and military forces, which prepared the Party for its takeover of the country after the Japanese surrender. The main body of this dissertation is composed of five thematic chapters. Chapter two explores the CCP’s penetration into local society through mass resistance associations and political renovation of existing power structures. Chapter three investigates Communist propaganda activities, the success of which laid in coordination with the Party’s follow-up organizational arrangements. The next chapter examines the Communist educational institutions as a channel of mass mobilization that further reinforced its penetration into various social groups. Chapter five uses Grain Tax, conscription and mobilization of anti-pacification campaign, all of which required personal sacrifice from the masses, as three instances that exemplified the Party’s controllability over local communities. Finally, chapter six focuses on its strategies to contain undesirable tendencies of local cadres and strengthen ideological consensus within the Party. / text

Kyrgyzstan is the only country in the region that has experienced two violent changes of regime since proclaiming its independence in 1991. The first regime overthrow was in 2005 and the second, which is the subject of this study, occurred in 2010. The actual purpose of the paper was to study the background of 2010 April events in Kyrgyzstan: economical, socio-political situation, and activities of Bakiyev's clan that probably precipitated the grievance in Kyrgyz society and led to mass mobilization. There have been suggestions that a specific phenomenon in the structure of Kyrgyz society called tribalism served as a push for mass mobilization in Talas. Since Kyrgyzstan with its geographical location plays an important role in Central Asia, the events in the country in 2005 as well as in 2010, are of great importance for neighboring countries, mainly for Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. In addition, Kyrgyzstan is in the zone of influence of some foreign powers - China, Russia, the US and the members of the European Union (EU). The dynamics and contradictions of domestic political and social environment that caused mass mobilization in April 2010 will be disclosed in this paper. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Participation in mass mobilization movements, whether using a violent or nonviolent strategy, is often connected to their success. Studies generally assume that nonviolent campaigns attract a larger number of participants. However, they have understudied the relationship between movement strategy and participation. This thesis aims to revisit this relationship using more panoramic data than previous research. Additionally, the presence of violence within nonviolent campaigns is often overlooked. This study seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the relationship between violence, nonviolence and participation by also investigating the effect of violence within nonviolent campaigns on participant numbers. It builds on existing literature that suggests the inherent moral value of nonviolence attracts more individuals to such campaigns. Through a large-N, quantitative analysis based on cross-sectional data from 1900 to 2019, I find that predominantly nonviolent movements are indeed likely to attract more participants. However, within the realm of nonviolent campaigns, increased levels of violence also correlate with more participants. Brief illustrative cases are used to highlight the dynamics of nonviolent resistance movements and to explain the mixed results.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal estudar a entidade pública denominada Juventude Brasileira, existente durante o Estado Novo. Nela se inclui entender o papel emprestado aos jovens pelo governo ditatorial de Vargas, especialmente o de uma enorme massa de "jovens espíritos" que se podia "mobilizar" em benefício da Nação e do regime político vigente, em tempo de grave crise provocada pela II Guerra Mundial. É patente a influência de outras organizações juvenis controladas pelo Estado então existentes em diferentes países, mormente aqueles criados pelos regimes fascistas alemão, italiano e português. É, quanto a isso, um produto brasileiro adaptado ao espírito do tempo. Entretanto a versão brasileira não admitiu a feição germânica, em 1938, quando o Ministro da Justiça, Francisco Campos, apresentou o projeto original de sua criação, que era calcado na instrução militar. Do demorado debate havido entre as mais elevadas autoridades surgiu, em 1940, a forma definitiva, apresentada pelo Ministro da Educação Gustavo Capanema. A Juventude Brasileira perdeu assim o caráter militar original, sem exigir qualquer aparato burocrático especial, valendo-se da estrutura já existente, tornando-se uma organização educacional auxiliar que incluía todos os escolares entre os sete e os dezoito anos de idade. Tornou-se um instrumento importante nas mãos das autoridades como um elemento de mobilização social, com seus desfiles, de que muito se valeu a propaganda oficial. De um modo geral, a sociedade aceitou bem a Juventude Brasileira, que serviu também, de certo modo, como ponto de contato e diálogo com um governo autoritário. / This dissertation aims to study the public entity called "Juventude Brasileira", wich existed during the Estado Novo. This shall include understanding the role assigned to young people by the dictatorial government of Vargas, especially of a huge mass of "young minds" that could "mobilize" for the benefit of the nation and of the political regime in times of severe crisis caused by World War II. It is clear the influence of other youth organizations controlled by other States in another countries, especially those created by the German, Italian and portuguese fascist regimes. It is, for that matter, a Brazilian product adapted to the spirit of the time. However the Brazilian version did not accept the German feature in 1938, when the Minister of Justice Francisco Campos, presented the original project of its creation, which was modeled by the military education. From the long debate held between the higher authorities came in 1940, the final form, presented by the Minister of Education Gustavo Capanema. The Juventude Brasileira therefore lost the original military character, without requiring any special bureaucratic mechanism, making use of the existing structure, became an auxiliary educational organization that included all students between seven and eighteen years old. It has become an important tool in the hands of the authorities as an element of social mobilization, with their paredes, that worked much as official propaganda. In general, society accepted the "Juventude Brasileira", who also served as a bridge of contact and dialogue with an authoritarian government.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal estudar a entidade pública denominada Juventude Brasileira, existente durante o Estado Novo. Nela se inclui entender o papel emprestado aos jovens pelo governo ditatorial de Vargas, especialmente o de uma enorme massa de "jovens espíritos" que se podia "mobilizar" em benefício da Nação e do regime político vigente, em tempo de grave crise provocada pela II Guerra Mundial. É patente a influência de outras organizações juvenis controladas pelo Estado então existentes em diferentes países, mormente aqueles criados pelos regimes fascistas alemão, italiano e português. É, quanto a isso, um produto brasileiro adaptado ao espírito do tempo. Entretanto a versão brasileira não admitiu a feição germânica, em 1938, quando o Ministro da Justiça, Francisco Campos, apresentou o projeto original de sua criação, que era calcado na instrução militar. Do demorado debate havido entre as mais elevadas autoridades surgiu, em 1940, a forma definitiva, apresentada pelo Ministro da Educação Gustavo Capanema. A Juventude Brasileira perdeu assim o caráter militar original, sem exigir qualquer aparato burocrático especial, valendo-se da estrutura já existente, tornando-se uma organização educacional auxiliar que incluía todos os escolares entre os sete e os dezoito anos de idade. Tornou-se um instrumento importante nas mãos das autoridades como um elemento de mobilização social, com seus desfiles, de que muito se valeu a propaganda oficial. De um modo geral, a sociedade aceitou bem a Juventude Brasileira, que serviu também, de certo modo, como ponto de contato e diálogo com um governo autoritário. / This dissertation aims to study the public entity called "Juventude Brasileira", wich existed during the Estado Novo. This shall include understanding the role assigned to young people by the dictatorial government of Vargas, especially of a huge mass of "young minds" that could "mobilize" for the benefit of the nation and of the political regime in times of severe crisis caused by World War II. It is clear the influence of other youth organizations controlled by other States in another countries, especially those created by the German, Italian and portuguese fascist regimes. It is, for that matter, a Brazilian product adapted to the spirit of the time. However the Brazilian version did not accept the German feature in 1938, when the Minister of Justice Francisco Campos, presented the original project of its creation, which was modeled by the military education. From the long debate held between the higher authorities came in 1940, the final form, presented by the Minister of Education Gustavo Capanema. The Juventude Brasileira therefore lost the original military character, without requiring any special bureaucratic mechanism, making use of the existing structure, became an auxiliary educational organization that included all students between seven and eighteen years old. It has become an important tool in the hands of the authorities as an element of social mobilization, with their paredes, that worked much as official propaganda. In general, society accepted the "Juventude Brasileira", who also served as a bridge of contact and dialogue with an authoritarian government.

Digital Repression: Backlash or Deterrence of Dissent? is a quantitative analysis of the MENA region between the years 2000 and 2020. By distinguishing, theoretically as well as empirically, between nonphysical and physical aspects of state repression, this study aims to fill an identified research gap and contribute to the literature on the repression-dissent puzzle. To answer the research question; how does digital repression affect dissent?, this study uses digital repression as the independent variable and looks into whether this nonphysical form of state repression has a positive or negative effect on dissent, aggregating between violent and nonviolent forms of the dependent variable. In connection to logistic regression, the main finding is that digital repression seems to have a positive (backlash) effect on dissent, no matter the type of dissident tactic.

La historia del anarquismo en España es la de un movimiento heterogéneo, plural y de manifestaciones muy diversas. El anarquismo fue en Asturias un movimiento, igualmente diverso y pluralista, en constante rivalidad con el republicanismo y el socialismo, primero, y con el comunismo, después, desde los orígenes, hasta la Guerra Civil. Fue un movimiento principalmente sindical, de movilización de masas, además de un movimiento cultural y “político” dentro de su apoliticismo doctrinal, que representó una vía específica y caracterizada dentro de la CNT, y de ahí el interés que presenta, más allá de la pura localización geográfica de la Federación de Asturias, León y Palencia. Militantes y dirigentes manifestaron siempre una peculiar percepción de la función del anarquismo en España, que no siempre fue la de la mayoría dentro de la organización nacional. Sin embargo, nunca se plantearon abandonarla, prueba del carácter esencialmente plural y “libertario” de la CNT. / The history of Spanish anarchism rest on a pluralist and heterogeneous movement beyond their ideas or political praxis. In Asturias, the anarchism and the anarchist militants and leaders, were in constant rivalry with republicanism, socialism and communism, from the origins to the Civil War. But, in fact, the asturian anarcosindicalismo, as tradeunion movement, and the asturian anarcosindicalistas were involved on mass mobilization, also than in cultural and political aims. Their specific idea about the role of the anarchism, in general, and the CNT, in particular, on Spanish politics, not always achieved the majority support in the CNT and was the making of a deep crisis in different times. Notwithstanding that, the Federacion Regional de Asturias, León y Palencia didn´t want to think to leave the organization off, because CNT were a pluralist and “libertarian” organization.

No description available.

Ethnic contentions would barely arise at the drop of a hat. To understand the roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, known as one of the most intractable ethnopolitical conflicts in the South Caucasus region, it is crucial to trace back to the Karabakh movement, a civic uprising that mobilized ethnic Armenians around a struggle for independence. What advantages would self-determination allow, that would not be achievable elsewise? To address this puzzle, I conducted a qualitative single-case study, designed as a deductive process-tracing, aimed at answering the research question why does political mass mobilization emerge (when it can possibly not)? Building upon relevant literature suggesting that horizontal inequalities lead to civil war, this research tests the following hypothesis: Perceived horizontal inequalities between coexisting ethnic groups are what underlie the emergence and evolvement of political mass mobilization. The comparative analysis of 11 in-depth interviews with Karabakh movement participants from Stepanakert and Yerevan, combined with an extensive investigation of over 120 secondary materials, suggests that, as was observed in the case explored, relative deprivation fed by experienced horizontal inequalities is what underlies the emergence of mass political movements, demonstrating strong explanatory potential within the theory on horizontal inequality.