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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

「丘八爺」與「洋大人」—國門內的北洋外交研究(1920-1925)

應俊豪, Ying, Chun-hao Unknown Date (has links)
承襲清末地方軍事主義與西方條約特權體系脈絡,加以民初軍閥亂政影響,民國時期的中國社會逐漸出現兩種類型的特權人物:一個是手握槍桿子的「丘八爺」,另一個則是同時操持著條約與砲艦的「洋大人」。 「丘八爺」是軍閥割據與頻繁內戰的產物。數以百萬計的「丘八爺」平素身著戎裝,打著軍人名義,動輒打打殺殺,作戰失敗或軍隊欠餉時,即譁變作亂,化為草莽土匪,到處打家劫舍。但遇軍閥招安,則又由匪轉兵,形成兵、匪間的惡性循環。雖然嚴格說來兵、匪之間不無差異,但是民國以來,尤其北京政府時期,「丘八爺」往往以兵、匪不分的兵匪面目,烙印在一般人的印象中。 另一方面,歐美國家自清末挾帶條約體系與船堅砲利來到中國之後,經由一連串戰爭,透過砲艦外交模式教導中國人:條約必須遵守、外人生命財產安全必須獲得保障。歐美國家常設性駐華外交、領事機構,則是扮演關鍵性的角色,手持上帝之鞭,多年來宣傳、馴化中國政府與中國人。如此,中國逐漸從抗拒、反彈,到接受西方權威,承認外國人在華的地位不容輕蔑與挑戰。「洋大人」的權威形象,由此在中國樹立起來。 理論上,「丘八爺」為禍雖大,百姓亦深以為苦,但畢竟是中國內政問題,與外交事務無涉。可是,清末以來,隨著大批洋人進入中國內陸通商、傳教與居住、外國資金流入中國市場、外國軍艦巡弋重要內河、外國領事機構與軍隊駐紮各通商要衢,條約特權體制進一步內化為中國權勢結構的一部份。當數量龐大、散佈全國的「丘八爺」,與深入中國內陸的「洋大人」頻繁接觸,「丘八爺」將魔爪伸向「洋大人」之後,也就變成嚴重的外交問題。 歐戰後的東亞秩序,歷經巴黎和會、華盛頓會議的凝聚共識,歐美列強(包括日本)逐漸形成一個觀念:將美國對華政策擴大為各國對華政策,也就是放棄原先帝國主義競爭、權力均勢的模式,改以「門戶開放政策」作為處理中國事務的中心指標。與此同時,經過馬列主義、無產階級革命洗禮的蘇聯,也重新回到中國:一方面利用放棄在華特權博取中國同情,另一方面以打倒歐美帝國主義為口號,大肆宣傳民族主義式理念。列強任何強硬的舉動,常被布爾什維克宣傳家渲染為帝國主義侵華鐵證,激發更強大的反帝浪潮。在這樣的國際場景之下,當「丘八爺」遇上了「洋大人」,會發生什麼問題?當「丘八爺」以打、殺、搶、綁等各種暴力形式,一再挑釁「洋大人」威嚴,甚至任意污衊指為「洋鬼子」時,「洋大人」該如何應付?蘇聯宣傳家環伺在側、伺機扯後腿的情況下,「洋大人」是否還能重施故技,以帝國主義的老路子—砲艦外交來施以懲罰?另謀他法?抑或默認中國現狀的發展? 此外,1920年代前後,中國軍閥割據、南北對立逐漸發展到高峰,北京政府對外雖有中央之名、對內則無約束地方之實力。面對如此威信不足、欲振乏力的北京政府,以及地方分裂割據的現狀,「洋大人」顯然無法經由「代理人機制」,透過北京政府有效地制約地方問題。 因此,1920年代上半期,當意氣風發、趾高氣昂的「丘八爺」,遇上了受到外在與內部多重制約、看似有些跛腳的「洋大人」,勢必會產生許多值得深入討論、分析的有趣問題。 其次,當我們回顧以往被定位為帝國主義侵華—國賊賣國史的北洋外交史,面對民族主義史觀與俯拾皆是的情緒性指責字眼,是否應該嘗試以新的理解取代原先的敵意,重新建構不同視野的北洋外交史?處於中國軍閥主義高漲的1920年代上半期,體現中國內政不安因子、大肆肆虐中國社會各個角落的「丘八爺」現象,與「洋大人」之間的互動,及其衍生出的種種外交交涉,乃是當時最常見的外交與內政問題。但是囿於傳統民族主義史觀,外交史家往往只著重關係國家民族大義的重大外交事件,以及國際會議層次,屬於政府高層官方外交(high diplomacy)往來交涉模式。對於發生於社會下層,一些名不見經傳的「丘八爺」與「洋大人」衝突問題,外交史家若非視而不見,即是匆匆帶過,而忽略華洋衝突背後所隱藏的重要文化意涵。究其實際,當西方列強以帝國主義強權之姿在中國樹立起條約特權體制,「洋大人」頻頻以傳教士、商人角色深入中國內陸之際,中外之間國家主權界線因此變動不居,產生許多不明確的灰色地帶。而發生在中國內部,由「丘八爺」與「洋大人」構織出的華洋衝突事件,就是徘徊在邊境與邊界之間的重要問題。一方面華洋衝突涉及到兩國之間條約權利與義務的界定,屬於官方外交層次、明確的國家主權邊界設定。另一方面,華洋衝突在本質上,同時也涉及到不同文化邂逅下的族群衝突問題,以及彼此認知、設想的民族偏見問題,如中國人心中的「洋大人形象」,與洋人心中的中國的「兵匪問題」均屬於這個層次。而在文化邊際效應的作用下,華洋勢力之間的滲透、爭執與磨合,構成中外往來的真實文化底蘊,正是當時日常生活的寫實反映。透過發生在邊境地帶的華洋衝突研究,與中外官方外交進行對話、討論,或許可以思索出與傳統相當不一樣的中外關係史。 因此,本文試圖從複雜的華洋糾葛角度,以「丘八爺」與「洋大人」的互動切入點,經由複線式歷史論述與中外不同觀點的探討,由下往上地剖析外交問題,探究當時中外重疊地帶上的北洋外交史。
2

To Discover Laity Leaders' Knowledge of Their Responsibilities at the Pikesville Pimlico Charge

Norfleet-Walker, Denise 18 April 2023 (has links)
No description available.
3

Institutional Politics and the U.S. Government’s “Philippine Problem”

Pedler, Steven J. 08 November 2011 (has links)
No description available.
4

“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt Presidency

Schnurr, Jeremy 13 December 2011 (has links)
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
5

“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt Presidency

Schnurr, Jeremy 13 December 2011 (has links)
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
6

“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt Presidency

Schnurr, Jeremy 13 December 2011 (has links)
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
7

“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt Presidency

Schnurr, Jeremy January 2012 (has links)
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
8

La Cina da impero a Stato nazionale: la definizione di uno spazio politico negli anni Venti. / LA CINA DA IMPERO A STATO NAZIONALE: LA DEFINIZIONE DI UNO SPAZIO POLITICO NEGLI ANNI VENTI / China from Empire to Nation-State: Defining a Political Space in the 1920s.

CAPISANI, LORENZO MARCO 13 July 2017 (has links)
La tesi si concentra sul Partito Nazionalista Cinese negli anni Venti come punto privilegiato di osservazione del cambiamento politico della Cina dopo la Prima guerra mondiale. Questo decennio rappresentò un momento di definizione identitaria sia per i comunisti sia per i nazionalisti. La storiografia ne ha sottolineato numerosi aspetti, ma si è finora occupata del periodo 1919-1928 come una preistoria degli anni Trenta piuttosto che come un autonomo segmento di storia cinese. Studi recenti hanno superato implicitamente questo approccio criticando due date periodizzanti fondamentali per il Novecento cinese: la nascita della Repubblica nazionalista (1911) e la nascita della Repubblica Popolare (1949). A metà tra queste due date, gli anni Venti sono emersi come snodo decisivo nel passaggio da impero a Stato nazionale, durante cui si definì un nuovo spazio di discussione politica. Questo processo, pur interno, subì l’influsso delle strategie internazionali di sovietici e statunitensi dando vita a una nuova visione non soltanto della rivoluzione ma anche dello Stato post-rivoluzionario. Le classi dirigenti nazionalista e comunista, durante la collaborazione, si rivelarono dinamiche e tale “competizione” si trasferì anche all’interno di ciascun movimento diventando un fattore determinante per il successo o il fallimento del partito inteso come moderna formazione politica. / The thesis focuses on the Chinese Nationalist Party in the 1920s as a special standpoint to analyze the political changes in China after the World War I. That decade was crucial for shaping the identity of nationalists and communists. Many works have already examined some aspects, but they mostly considered the years 1919-1928 as a pre-history of the Thirties rather than an autonomous part of Chinese history. Recent studies have overcome this approach by criticizing two of the main periodization in the Chinese twentieth century: the birth of the nationalist Republic (1911) and the birth of the People’s Republic (1949). Halfway, the 1920s stood out as a critical juncture in the transition from empire to nation-state. A new space of political discussion was defined. The process, albeit internal, was under the influence of the USSR and US international strategies and gave birth not only to a new vision of the revolution, but also to a vision of the post-revolutionary state. Also, the nationalist and communist leaderships turned out to be dynamic. That "competition" may be seen also within the two political movements and became a shaping factor for the success or failure of the party as a modern political formation.

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