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This thesis discusses the funerary monuments of Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquis of Rockingham (1730-1782) and William Weddell (1736-1792). It investigates how each man’s political, social, cultural and collecting activities constructed their self-identities. Then, it discusses the construction and formal characteristics of their funerary monuments. Finally, it analyzes how the monuments reflect these identities and evaluates the relative efficacy of the practice. / text

L’Inde britannique fut la scène d’importantes réformes ciblant les pratiques économiques, juridiques, sociales, religieuses, culturelles, éducatives et journalistiques des Indiens. Dans cette thèse, il s’agit de repenser les réformes whigs menées entre 1830, date à laquelle les Whigs dominèrent de nouveau le Parlement, et 1857, date à laquelle la domination britannique de l’Inde fut considérablement bouleversée par une révolte sans précédent. Les réformistes whigs avaient certainement anglicisé les autochtones mais n’avaient pas réussi à les occidentaliser. Il s’est avéré que la majorité des Indiens avaient bien résisté aux tentatives de conversions dirigées par des évangélistes en préservant leurs religions, en défendant leurs traditions et en ravivant leur culture. Le gouvernement colonial de la Compagnie avait bien modernisé l’éducation indienne, introduit les chemins de fer, bâti des ponts, fourni de nouveaux moyens de communication comme le télégraphe et amélioré l’infrastructure, mais c’était plutôt pour faciliter ses propres échanges commerciaux et pour protéger les intérêts économiques et stratégiques de l’Empire britannique par le biais d’une armée redoutable. Une fois les intellectuels instruits à l’anglaise avaient réalisé la discrimination et l’indifférence des Britanniques à leur égard, ils entamèrent leur réaction politisée et leur long combat pour obtenir l’indépendance de leur pays. Les réformes whigs avaient échoué et ne permirent pas aux Indiens d’atteindre le progrès promis, ce qui engendra un conflit culturel profond, aggravant les différences existantes entre la colonie et l’Empire. / British India was the scene of large-scale Whig reforms regarding the economic, judicial, social, religious, cultural, educational and press practices of native Indians. This thesis is rethinking major Whig reforms from 1830, when a Whig majority was back in Parliament, to 1857, when the British rule in India through the East India Company was markedly shaken by an unprecedented revolt. Whig reformers anglicised their native subjects but could not westernize them. Most Indians proved to be resilient enough to preserve their religions, maintain their traditions and revive their culture rather than surrender to the Evangelicals’ plans to convert them into Christianity. The Indian Government of the East India Company definitely modernised Indian education, introduced railroads, built bridges, provided telegraph for better communication and improved infrastructure, but it was more for facilitating its own trade exchanges and protecting the economic and strategic interests of the British Empire as a whole relying on its powerful army. Once the anglicised Indian intellectuals experienced British discrimination and indifference, they started their politicised reaction and headed towards independence. Whig reforms failed to bring about the promised progress for Indians and resulted in a profound cultural and colonial conflict sharpening the differences between the colony and the Empire.

No description available.

Whig campaign strategists in the presidential election of 1840 developed new campaign tactics that included widespread use of campaign songs. They used these songs to sing the praises of their own candidate and policies while at the same time attacking the opposing party's candidate and policies. As early as 1842 these songwriters began writing songs in anticipation of the campaign in 1844. Prior to the nomination of candidates in May, 1844, the Whigs had published several songbooks including hundreds of song titles. In addition to supporting the candidacy of Henry Clay as the Whig candidate, the songs ridiculed several potential Democratic candidates including Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and others. Whigs also used imagery to support their candidate and attack the foe. Despite extensive efforts to influence the election with campaign songs, no hard evidence exists that documents the effect of campaign songs, either positively or negatively.

Au cours de la première moitié du XIXème siècle, la Méditerranée a constitué un espace conflictuel particulier entre la France et La Grande-Bretagne. L’Affaire d’Alger en 1830 marquera à ce titre un nouveau point de désaccord entre Londres et Paris au même moment où l’empire britannique inaugurait une ère de grandes réformes sociales, parlementaires et idéologiques. La diplomatie outre-Manche particulièrement sous les Tories insistera, avec véhémence sur la nécessité du retrait des troupes de l’armée d’Afrique de sa nouvelle acquisition en Afrique du Nord : Alger. Ce dossier de politique étrangère fera l’objet d’un travail parlementaire soutenu et dont les organes de la presse écrite, à l’instar du quotidien The Times, s’en feront l’écho. C’est Aberdeen, diplomate et homme politique de premier ordre, qui est le premier à estimer que l’entreprise échafaudée par Charles X, roi de France, dissimule des intentions néo-impériales. Aussi, le Foreign Office ne ménagera pas ses forces, notamment par la multiplication de ses requêtes, gageant que le nouveau gouvernement de Juillet puisse honorer les engagements des Bourbons. Le refus des Conservateurs du maintien de la colonie d’Alger témoigne ainsi de l’importance de l’espace méditerranéen dans le contexte des rivalités coloniales et des stratégies impériales. Malgré le silence des Whigs après leur accès au pouvoir en novembre 1830 sur l’avenir d’Alger, l’opposition au sein de la Chambre des Lords et la Chambre des Communes s’est illustrée pour exiger que les garanties fournies par les Bourbons soient satisfaites. Le retour des Tories sur ce sujet a de ce fait donné un cachet international à l’Affaire d’Alger. / The Mediterranean Sea was to constitute a key ground of diplomatic struggle between the two traditional rivals, -Great-Britain and France- during the first half of the nineteenth century. If the British officials vehemently demanded a rapid withdrawal of French troops from the newly conquered Algiers, this subject, despite its obvious importance, has been rarely advocated in the historical interest. Hence, the present essay which aims to provide a new approach by examining the British point of view regarding the guaranties given by France to evacuate Algiers after its invasion in 1830. Thus, the work of the Foreign Minister, Aberdeen, will be a particular focus so as to get a better understanding of the British demands, notably the withdrawal of French forces. Moreover, the decision to maintain the North African colony was also a matter of passionate parliamentary controversy reported by the press; that is precisely what we will focus in order to understand British foreign policy towards the Barbary Regencies and the stakes in the Mediterranean. So, the parliamentary opposition introduced the question of Algiers as a matter of international interest. The French troops’ evacuation from Algiers was one the Tories’ examples to criticize British foreign policy under the Whig Governments.

Thesis--Hamburg. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 144-151).

The Reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in Contemporary Literature Kristýna Hoblová abstract This work of literary history analyses the reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in contemporary literature across genres. It is based on the theory of the rise of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas and on the theory of Michael McKeon, understanding the ideology of the late Stuarts as a last remnant of aristocratic ideology. The Exclusion Crisis is presented here as a period of unsettling negotiations between the declining Stuart ethos and the Whig ideology of the rising mercantile classes. The interpretation of chosen texts serves to discover creative transformations of the political discourse of the newly emerging political parties of Whigs and Tories, stressing the negotiations between genres, individual authors and political ideologies. The first chapter offers a brief overview of the socio-historical context, Habermas's theory of the rise of the public sphere and Michael McKeon's conception of aristocratic ideology. It also introduces the Tory political theory defending the Stuart divine right of kings on the basis of Robert Filmer's patriarchal household-state analogy and the Whig defence against absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts through asserting the priority of Law over the Royal...