Eighteenth-century Britons witnessed unprecedented growth in garment production. As modes of production moved away from a small-scale domestic model toward increasing mechanization and steadily growing fabrication of clothing for the middle classes, the period’s new methods of production relied heavily on the labour of women. Despite the considerable participation of women in the proto-industrial workroom, narratives of women employed in the garment trades remain largely understudied. One of the primary reasons garment trades women have received relatively little critical attention is that they are epistemologically slippery. Unlike the more affluent women of the period whose lives were often meticulously documented, garment workers are largely absent from the historical record. Beginning with popular and well-documented characters and persons in the eighteenth-century socio-cultural lexicon, this project traces networks of female labour that run between the playhouse and the workshop to illuminate the lives of women who have previously been relegated to the margins of discourse. Whereas intellectual history often focuses on garments and fashion as particularly important to female networks of communication, I argue that there is much to be gained by examining the women who made these items and the ways in which they are represented in literary accounts and historical records.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Adelaide, 1993? / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-192).

There has been increasingly interest in parental leave policies as instruments for the implementation of gender equality in society. This review essay explores the link between parental leave policies and the gender division of labour - referring to both paid employment and unpaid family work. Against this backdrop the essay systematically reviews evidence from quantitative empirical research on the effects of parental leave policies on mothers' employment and fathers' involvement in family work. The article suggests that there are several aspects of parental leave that seem to be especially relevant for the gender division of labour, such as the duration of leave, the provision of payments, and an individual entitlement of non-transferable leave rights. In a concluding section the article summarizes the results, discusses doubts and questions raised by the material and identifies promising areas of future research that are crucial for a better understanding of the effects of parental leave on the gender division of labour. (author's abstract) / Series: Working Papers / Institut für Sozialpolitik

There has been increasingly interest in parental leave policies as instruments for the implementation of gender equality in society. This review essay explores the link between parental leave policies and the gender division of labour - referring to both paid employment and unpaid family work. Against this backdrop the essay systematically reviews evidence from quantitative empirical research on the effects of parental leave policies on mothers' employment and fathers' involvement in family work. The article suggests that there are several aspects of parental leave that seem to be especially relevant for the gender division of labour, such as the duration of leave, the provision of payments, and an individual entitlement of non-transferable leave rights. In a concluding section the article summarizes the results, discusses doubts and questions raised by the material and identifies promising areas of future research that are crucial for a better understanding of the effects of parental leave on the gender division of labour. (author's abstract) / Series: Working Papers / Institut für Sozialpolitik

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Although a relationship between womens work and use of child care is well-established, little is known about womens beliefs about who (family or society) is responsible for this care. Using data from a province-wide survey, path analysis determined how beliefs about caregiving predict womens decisions to work or use child care, at different stages of family life. Overall, Albertans believe caregiving is a social responsibility, particularly urban Albertans and women. Womens social beliefs about caregiving predict working for women with preschool and school-age children, and women without children under 14, but do not directly predict use of care at all. Social beliefs are predicted by more education (women with preschool and school-age children) and more children (women with school-age children). The results of this study are presented using an ecological framework, and confirm that beliefs about caregiving should be considered in future studies of womens labour force participation. / Family Ecology and Practice

The thesis deals with the czech economic thought till 1948, specifically its part called woman's issue. Woman's issue was part of the social issue and it touched many of economical and social topics in theoretical and practical economy. Thesis explores interpretation of czech economists and summarizes their attitudes towards woman's issue, it defines main topics of woman's issue along with the prevailing opinions of economists and it analyses development of opinions of woman's issue in the czech economic thought.

A partir d’une analyse des conditions historiques qui ont favorisé l’émergence du travail social laïc, la dominante des femmes dans ce champ professionnel prend un autre sens. Le traitement séparé de la question de la solidarité entre intervention politique d’une part et intervention dans un quotidien de vie d’autre part apparaît et devient une clé de lecture de cette institutionnalisation.Cette scission se comprend en considérant simultanément l’emprise du genre dans la construction de cette action publique, et la mise à l’écart de la vulnérabilité comme condition intrinsèque des vies humaines. De ce fait, la solidarité comme loi organique d’interdépendance est malmenée, l’exercice de la citoyenneté politique occultée et la dimension collective du travail social empêchée.Cette compréhension éclaire les questions contemporaines mises en débat : action collective, développement social, solidarités actives, participation des personnes accompagnées. Elle contribue à enrichir le travail de refondation en cours au-delà des questions dévolues aux temps et espaces de formations des professionnel.le.s concerné.e.s pour impacter toute la chaîne des politiques de solidarité aux différentes échelles de compétences. / Through an analysis of historical conditions that contributed to the emergence of secular social work, the predominance of women in this area of professional activity takes on a different significance. Treating separately the question of solidarity between political intervention on the one hand, and intervention in daily life on the other becomes apparent and provides a key to understanding this institutionalisation. This division can be understood by examining simultaneously the influence of gender in the construction of this public action, and the marginalisation of vulnerability as an intrinsic condition of human life.  As a consequence, solidarity as an organisational principle of interrelationship is undermined, exercise of political citizenship is suppressed and the collective dimension of social work is impeded. This understanding clarifies the contemporary issues under debate : collective action, social development, active solidarity, participation of supported individuals.  It contributes to enriching and expanding the ongoing reform beyond the questions of times and venues for training the professionals (m/f) concerned, impacting the chain of solidarity policies at the different levels of competence.

This dissertation turns to recent feminist history of the 1980s to consider feminism’s relationship to class, economics, and labour. Challenging the idea that feminism is an inclusive project, I look at how feminist ideology produces commonsense forms of racism, classism, and sexual normativity. To demonstrate this argument, I evaluate two important moments in 1980s Canadian feminism: the development of feminist political economy and the debates of the feminist sex wars. In tracing the ways in which these histories unfold to value some feminist subjects more than others, I show how feminist narratives appear cohesive through quotidian practices of exclusion. I claim that the resistance of marginalized subjects is integral to these narratives, particularly when this resistance has been made to appear invisible or absent. I first turn to feminist political economy to show how a white feminist discourse about gendered domestic labour emerged while simultaneously omitting analyses of the experiences of women of colour and migrant domestic labourers. This white feminist discourse is imbued with commonsense racism, and imagines migrant domestic workers as located elsewhere to feminism. Subsequently, I examine how the feminist sex wars pursued a line of inquiry into sexuality that privileged a framework of danger. Feminist theorizing of violence against women as intrinsic to prostitution and pornography had dire consequences for understanding sex work and the diverse women employed in the industry. In promoting a white, middle-class perspective on sexuality, feminists appropriated sex workers’ experiences of violence and sought state support for abolishing commercial sexuality, in turn contributing to the heightened state surveillance of sexual minorities. In looking to and for marginalized women’s experiences within an archive of women’s publishing, this project insists on the integral place of sex workers and migrant domestic workers within Canadian feminist labour histories. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / What is feminist labour history, and whom does it include? In a study of feminist periodicals published during the 1980s, I consider how feminist writing contributes to the project of women’s liberation. In particular, I explore debates between feminists over race, class, and sexuality. I claim that feminist periodicals offer a window into the ideas animating feminists in the 1980s, and document the ways in which women’s household labour, paid domestic work, prostitution, and pornography were taken up—or ignored—by feminists. I show how everyday practices of race, class, and sexual supremacy have created narratives where white, middle-class women’s experiences appropriate and stand in for diverse feminist histories.