This dissertation explores whether women and men can be empowered through cultural nationalism based on religious/ethnic identities. Religious fundamentalism is typically not associated with women's empowerment. As a patriarchal, Hindu nationalist party that advocates violence, the Shiv Sena is also an unlikely agent of women's empowerment. Yet, the Sena has been attracting numerous women who claim to have gained confidence through the party. Using the Shiv Sena as my case study, I interviewed four male and seven female Shiv Sena members using the biographic narrative method. By examining their biographic narratives and interviews of their families and colleagues, I was able to delineate the different empowerment cycles for men and women in Shiv Sena and determine each participant's level of empowerment. The empowerment framework defined by Jo Rowlands (1997), which distinguishes between personal, collective, and relational empowerment, serves as the basis of my assessment of women's and men's empowerment. As violence is generally disregarded as a means of empowerment, I discuss it in relation to the construction of empowering cultural identities. While establishing theoretical frameworks regarding empowerment, cultural identity and gender, I also examine the disempowerment of Maharashtrians (whom Shiv Sena originally represented) by the socio-economic and historical conditions of Bombay, India. I then demonstrate how Shiv Sena, led by its Chief, Bal Thackeray, has constructed a new hegemonic masculine identity for Maharasthrian men as a means of empowerment. In the final chapters, I examine Shiv Sena's impact on the lives of individual women and men. This analysis revealed that despite the patriarchal constraints imposed by the Sena, women were becoming personally empowered in both the private and public spheres. In contrast, while Shiv Sena men were achieving collective empowerment in the public sphere, they had more difficulty becoming personally empowered in both the home and workplace.

This thesis examines the construction and utilization of gender in religious nationalist projects. Communalist groups sacralize gendered understandings of time, space, and community, rooted in the bifurcation of the public (masculine) realm and the private (feminine) sphere. Nationalist understandings of citizenship maintain the public and private division, but acknowledge the potential to politicize both. In this conception of citizenship, the private (feminine) is deployed to achieve social and religious change. This thesis analyzes two contemporary South Asian transnationalist groups, the Muslim Tablighi Jama`at and the Hindu Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and investigates women's participation in the nation as cultural repositories and as pedagogues. In these roles, women are able to recover and disseminate the "true" values and identity of the degenerate community, thereby revitalizing the nation. However, while women are empowered in these roles, they are simultaneously limited by patriarchal expectations of ideal womanly behaviour.

Increasingly, Aboriginal women engage with feminist theory and forms of activism to carve their own space and lay a foundation for an Aboriginal feminism. I compile prominent writings of female Aboriginal authors to identify emerging theoretical strains that centre on decolonization as both theory and methodology. Aboriginal women position decolonization strategies against the intersectionality of race and sex oppression within a colonial context, which they term patriarchal colonialism. They challenge forms of patriarchal colonialism that masquerade as Aboriginal tradition and function to silence and exclude Aboriginal women from sovereignty and leadership spheres. By recalling and reclaiming the pre-colonial Aboriginal principle of egalitarianism, which included women within these spheres, they are positioned to create a hybrid feminism that locates egalitarianism within a contemporary and relevant context by combining it with human rights. In this way, Aboriginal feminism balances culture and tradition with principles of individual and collective rights. / ix, 142 leaves ; 29 cm

Submitted by Milena Rubi ( ri.bso@ufscar.br) on 2017-12-12T18:20:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RODRIGUES_Thais_2017.pdf: 2204667 bytes, checksum: ba9a570218e0cee08a8cab5a3716ee7f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Milena Rubi ( ri.bso@ufscar.br) on 2017-12-12T18:20:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 RODRIGUES_Thais_2017.pdf: 2204667 bytes, checksum: ba9a570218e0cee08a8cab5a3716ee7f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Milena Rubi ( ri.bso@ufscar.br) on 2017-12-12T18:20:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 RODRIGUES_Thais_2017.pdf: 2204667 bytes, checksum: ba9a570218e0cee08a8cab5a3716ee7f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-12T18:21:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RODRIGUES_Thais_2017.pdf: 2204667 bytes, checksum: ba9a570218e0cee08a8cab5a3716ee7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This master thesis had as its objective to analyze the relation among Feminisms and the political-party participation of women from left-wing. We start from the following interrogations: how are made the experiences of women into the dialogue between leftwing parties, Marxisms and Feminisms? How do these tensions and approximations between both, previoulsy pointed in studies, affect the political-party participation of Brazilian women, from historical and subjective perspective? Therefore, starting with such initial questions, the present study has as a premise the necessity to understand the conflicts, challenges and achievements experienced by Brazilian women into their political-party participations in general and, specifically, how it have happened after redemocratization of Brazil, in the 1980 decade, until current days. With the purpose of unveiling these questions and pointing possible answers, it has been chosen oral history as a methodology to access the production of these women memories, since they were left-wing party militants in the period after Brazil’s redemocratization, until the current moment. That time scale is valid because all the women who were interviewed experienced Collor-FHC-Lula-Dilma period inside militancy. It was intended in this study to make the evocation of those women’s memories to transmit the experience through the narratives. Such narratives were the object of analysis. Using oral history methodology, memories of women who live the daily routine of left-wing politics were registered, in purpose of making explicit the challenges, achievements and struggles related to them. / Esta dissertação teve como objetivo analisar a relação entre feminismos e a participação político-partidária de mulheres da esquerda. Partimos inicialmente das seguintes interrogações: como se constituem as experiências das mulheres no diálogo entre partidos de esquerda, marxismos e feminismos? Como estas tensões e aproximações entre ambos, partidos de esquerda e feminismos, já evidenciadas em estudos, afetam a participação político-partidária das mulheres brasileiras do ponto de vista histórico e pessoal? Portanto, partindo destas interrogações iniciais, tem-se neste estudo a premissa de que é necessário compreender os conflitos, desafios e conquistas vivenciados pelas mulheres brasileiras em suas participações político-partidárias de modo geral e, em específico, como isto se deu depois da redemocratização do Brasil na década de 1980 até os dias atuais. Para desvelar estas questões e apontar possíveis respostas, fez-se a opção pela metodologia da história oral para o acesso à produção das memórias de mulheres que foram militantes de partidos de esquerda. Essa escala temporal se justifica porque todas as mulheres entrevistadas vivenciaram o período Collor-FHC-Lula-Dilma dentro da militância. Pretendeu-se neste estudo realizar a evocação das memórias dessas mulheres para a transmissão do vivido por meio das narrativas. Estas narrativas foram o objeto de análise. Utilizando da metodologia da história oral, foram registradas as memórias de mulheres que vivem o cotidiano da política da esquerda na tentativa de explicitar os desafios, as conquistas e as lutas que as tocam. / CAPES/DS 10/03/2016 a 20/02/2017

M.A. / The year 1976 will always go down the history of South Africa as the pinnacle and turning point in the country’s politics by the unwavering stand took by the students, males and females alike in the education field to fight apartheid in all its forms. It was during this time that the borders of South Africa became sieve to its youth when they fled to neighbouring states to join the outlawed ANC in a special and only mission to unseat apartheid by way of military action, which, by then seemed the only option. In this mission, these women had to be like any liberation soldier whose main intention was to fight for his/her country and liberate its people from all forms of oppression. The entry and active participation of women who, largely were in their teens and of school going age, in MK was a great contribution and sacrifice that the South African women ever ventured into in a quest to liberate their country politically. This was a watershed in the history of the military or army in this land, because, for the first time, such a step of joining an army did not go along with remuneration package whatsoever attached as an incentive. These women saw MK as their last option and a difficult choice to make in the face of the suppression, torture and cold blooded killings they had to deal with regularly from the apartheid security forces. It was the peaceful mass protest actions by students, residents and workers against the unjust apartheid policies that finally led to the adoption of the armed struggle which women joined in an attempt to make a contribution. Their involvement in the liberation struggle was sacrifice in any definition in the sense that most of them had to abandon their schooling, their dreams, families, comfort of their homes to venture and forage into the unknown foreign lands to prepare to take part in a war or open confrontation against the well trained, well equipped and sophisticated SADF. These women ventured into this with the full knowledge of the repercussions and risks that went along with their actions that they stood to suffer greatly. Yet, they saw that as the only viable solution to their own circumstances they faced rather and opted to take the risk than to stay in the highly unsafe townships and locations which were supposed to be their safe homes.

The study investigates the role of women in development which is a favourite topic of the researcher. It investigates some aspects of the process of development involving women. It is obvious that the research was provoked by the legal framework directed at the transformation agenda that represents the democratic process of the country. The role of women, in other sectors, who were excluded from issues of community management, politics and government of the country, became obvious for the researcher due to their strategic role in society which is being undermined. The above view poses the challenge of power-sharing with men. This constituted a huge challenge that emanated from a stereotypical perspective and the fear of the unknown. Considerable pieces of legislation, policies, convention resolutions, conferences and publications became catalysts to intervene in the traditional challenge based on the societal construction. This, to the researcher, presents a clear historical anomaly where government has to address all the streamlining and implementation of policies. There should be sustainability through an Integrated Development Plan. The aim of the historical background of women, as envisaged by the study, is to highlight a contextualised role of women in the development of the transformation process and investigate numerous reasons that impede participation and the readiness of government in addressing these issues. Some questions that the researcher had to as relate to; What the impediments causing non-participation of women are; What elements contribute to the participation of women; What government strategies have unlocked non-participation of women; Why women’s contribution is critical to development; What strategies are deployed by government for women’s involvement? What the socio-economic benefits of participation by women are. It is the researcher’s opinion that the municipality should be complimented on its endeavours. However, they need to establish a strategic programme for empowering women to participate in development as a human rights issue.

No description available.

This research focuses on women's leadership roles for sustainable development in crisis conditions with particular attention to the foundations of the leadership roles of women based in spirituality and religion. The research question for this study ask: How do religious and spiritual traditions contribute to the leadership roles of women that can be effective in building sustainable development in crisis conditions? The study uses a content analysis of a key body of women's writings from Burma. The findings from the data explain some of the ways in which spirituality and religion have played significant roles in promoting the leadership of women at the community level for sustainable development under crisis conditions. The study contributes to theory development by generating a set of propositions on the leadership roles of women drawing from religious and spiritual traditions that can be tested in other regions and countries. The study also offers a set of lessons for sustainable development practice.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Both democracy and civil society is seen to be dysfunctional in many African countries. Political leaders are not accountable to the people and citizens’ participation in the democracies is low. Particularly, women have often been neglected both within formal politics and the civil society. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate the role of the women’s movements in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa. The study has focused on the relationship between the women’s movement and the state, and further addressed the extent to which the women’s movements have been able to direct the state and influence policymaking for improved women’s rights and gender equality in the respective countries. The thesis has found that the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in the three countries inhibits very different characteristics that give rise to varying degrees of success from the work of the women’s movements. Further, the relationship has been subjected to changes in accordance with the overall political developments in the three countries. In Uganda and South Africa the political transitions of the mid 1980s and early 1990s, each respectively represented a period of good connection and communication between the women’s movements and the state. The women’s movements were able to present a strong voice and, thereby, were able to influence the state for the adoption of national gender machineries. After the political transitions, the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in both Uganda and South Africa has, however, become more constrained. In South Africa, the debates on women’s rights and gender equality have been moved from the terrain of the civil society and into the state, leading to a seemingly weakened voice for the women’s movement outside the state. In Uganda, the women’s movement have come to be subjected to pressure for co-optation by the government. The government does not genuinely uphold a concern for increased women’s rights and gender equality, and the women’s movement has at times been directly counteracted. Further, in Kenya, the women’s movement’s relationship with the state is characterised by competition rather than communication. The women’s movement is subjected to high degrees of repression, attempts of cooptation and silencing from the state, and the women’s movement have been effectively restricted from presenting a strong voice and influence the state to any great. The three case- studies illustrates that the political opportunity structures present at a particular time influence the extent to which women’s movements can work effectively in different contexts. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Menige Afrikaland se demokrasie sowel as burgerlike samelewing word as disfunksioneel beskou. Politieke leiers doen geen verantwoording aan die mense nie, en burgers se deelname aan demokrasie is gebrekkig. Veral vroue word afgeskeep in die formele politieke sfeer én die burgerlike samelewing. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die rol van die vrouebewegings in Uganda, Suid-Afrika en Kenia te ondersoek. Die studie konsentreer op die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat, en handel voorts oor die mate waarin die verskillende vrouebewegings die staat kan lei en beleidbepaling kan beïnvloed om beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid in die onderskeie lande teweeg te bring. Die tesis bevind dat die verhouding tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat in die drie lande onder beskouing baie uiteenlopende kenmerke toon, wat wisselende grade van sukses in die vrouebewegings se werk tot gevolg het. Voorts verander dié verhouding namate die oorkoepelende politieke bestel in die drie lande verander. Uganda en Suid-Afrika se politieke oorgange in die middeltagtiger- en vroeë negentigerjare onderskeidelik het ʼn tydperk van goeie bande en kommunikasie tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat verteenwoordig. Die vrouebewegings se stem het groot gewig gehad en kon dus die staat beïnvloed om nasionale beleid en werkswyses met betrekking tot gender in te stel. Ná die onderskeie politieke oorgange is die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat in sowel Uganda as Suid-Afrika egter aansienlik ingeperk. In Suid-Afrika het die debat oor vroueregte en gendergelykheid van die gebied van die burgerlike samelewing na die staat verskuif, wat die vrouebeweging se stem buite die staat aansienlik verswak het. In Uganda is die vrouebeweging weer onderwerp aan druk van koöpsie deur die regering. Die regering blyk nie werklik besorg te wees oor beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid nie, en die vrouebeweging word by tye direk teengewerk. Daarbenewens word die Keniaanse vrouebeweging se verhouding met die staat gekenmerk deur kompetisie eerder as kommunikasie. Die vrouebeweging het te kampe met heelwat onderdrukking en koöpsie- en muilbandpogings van die staat, en word in effek daarvan weerhou om hul menings te lug en die staat in enige beduidende mate te beïnvloed met die oog op groter doelgerigtheid en beter beleidbepaling wat vroueregte en gendergelykheid betref. Die drie gevallestudies toon dat die politieke geleentheidstrukture op ʼn bepaalde tydstip ʼn uitwerking het op die mate waarin vrouebewegings doeltreffend in verskillende kontekste kan funksioneer.