Orientador: Alvaro Gabriel Bianchi Mendez / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T17:07:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Miranda_ViniciusAlmeidaRibeiro_M.pdf: 1038017 bytes, checksum: e6f27823e643f2f00c25172868d1fb7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa a trajetória de duas organizações políticas brasileiras que tinham como principal referência teórica o trotskismo. As organizações pesquisadas são a Convergência Socialista e a Democracia Socialista. A trajetória destas organizações é marcada pela participação no PT, partido amplo, com identidade operária e de massas fundado em 1980. O objetivo central da pesquisa é analisar as diferenças entre as duas organizações em sua relação com o PT e, consequentemente, as diferenças políticas entre si. A hipótese central é que as diferenças entre os grupos CS e DS são de natureza tática até 1989 e passam a ser estratégicas a partir de 1991, passando por um período de transição entre um período e o outro / Abstract: This dissertation analyses the course of two Brazilian political organizations that had main theoretical reference the trotskyism. These organizations were Convergência Socialista (Socialist Convergence) and Democracia Socialista (Socialist Democracy). The course of these organizations is marked by the participation in PT, a wide party, identified with workers and the masses of the population, founded in 1980. The main objective of this research is to analyze the differences between both organizations with the PT and, consequently, their political differences. The major hypothesis is that the difference between CS and DS are tactical until 1989 and turn to be strategical in 1991, going through a transitional period between each one / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Este trabalho busca analisar a trajetória do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nas eleições para prefeito de São Paulo no período de 1996 a 2012, tendo como foco seu desempenho nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos do eleitorado paulistano. Ao longo das eleições municipais disputadas, o partido cresceu e assumiu a posição de principal protagonista nas disputas, vencendo em 2000 e 2012. Entretanto, a consolidação desse crescimento não se manifestou de maneira uniforme nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos da cidade. A hipótese sugerida é a de que houve mudanças significativas no perfil do eleitorado petista. A partir da análise da literatura sobre o comportamento eleitoral na cidade, procurou-se reconstituir as características iniciais do eleitor do PT, a fim de verificar quais eram seus principais aspectos. Para essa análise, foram utilizados os dados dos surveys eleitorais das eleições paulistanas de 1996 a 2012 e, para verificar a existência de padrões geográficos na votação da agremiação nos distritos da cidade, foi empregada a técnica de análise espacial. Com isso, foi possível observar que: (1) nas primeiras eleições disputadas, o PT apresentava uma base popular, embora de pouca expressão, localizada geograficamente em uma região especifica: os distritos próximos ao ABC paulista; (2) houve mudanças na composição da base eleitoral do PT a partir das eleições de 2000, passando de um partido com um perfil de classe média (de 1985 a 2000) para um partido com apelo mais popular (de 2004 em diante). Se até então o voto petista estava localizado em uma periferia geográfica determinada da cidade, ele passa a acompanhar essa transformação, ganhando expressão na periferia socioeconômica do eleitorado paulistano. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the trajectory of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) in the municipal elections for the post of Mayor of the city of São Paulo over the period comprising the years between 1996 and 2012 and it focuses on the partys performance with regard to the various socio-economic strata in São Paulo citys electoral roll. In the course of the municipal elections held over that period, the party was able to expand to the point of reaching the position of main protagonist in election fights, beating its opponents both in 2000 and 2012. Nevertheless, consolidation of such growth has not taken place in a uniform manner concerning the citys various socioeconomic strata. The hypothesis investigated herein is that there have been significant changes in the profile of PT voters. Departing from careful analysis of the available literature on the citys electoral behavior, one has sought to reconstruct the initial characteristics of PT voters so as to obtain their main features. So as to draw up this analysis, data from electoral survey researches of the São Paulos 1996-2012 municipal elections were closely examined. Additionally, the spatial analysis method was used in order to verify the existence of any geographic patterns related to the voters choice of this political organization in the various districts of the city. As a result, the following elements were found: 1) in the early elections taken, PT showed a popular power base, which, despite being of limited scope, was geographically situated within a specific area, i.e., the districts close to the so-called São Paulos ABC (the neighboring towns of Santo André, São Bernardo and São Caetano); 2) since the elections held in 2000, there have been changes in the make-up of PTs electoral base, seeing that it has moved from a party which had a middle-class profile (between 1985-2000) to one having a wider popular appeal (from 2004 onwards). Up until 2004 PTs winning ballots could be located in and around a certain geographic periphery of the city, but since then they have undergone the transformation described above and thus have gained volume in the socioeconomic periphery of São Paulos electoral body as a whole.

This thesis investigates depictions in the Kurdish media (Rudaw and Firat News Agency (ANF)) of mass violence perpetrated against Kurdish civilians in northern and northeastern Syria – an area known to Kurds as Rojava – in recent years. Articles from two media organizations were subject to mixed-method text analysis (quantitative and qualitative) to uncover how mass violence was portrayed. The theory of framing in the media is used to show how violence is committed and what role ideology plays in this process. It is subsequently used in order to uncover commonly used frames for the roles played by various actors involved in mass violence. Hence, a comparison is made between the contents of the two media institutions. The results primarily relate to the role of ideology in the coverage of mass violence by the selected Kurdish media outlets, which are affiliated with two major Kurdish political parties, one left-leaning and one right-leaning. Findings revealed different aspects of mass violence, governed principally by nationalist and partisan orientations. Nationalist agendas played a significant role in Rudaw’s content and a smaller one in ANF’s. Partisan agendas had roughly the same magnitude in both, and the two outlets clashed politically but met nationalistically in many areas. The research questions were addressed through a content analysis of tens of stories disseminated by both Kurdish media organizations during the same time-space.

The master thesis -The Relations between the Polish United Workers' Party and the French Communist Party in 1956‖ deals with the relations between the Central European Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) and the West European French Communist Party (PCF) in the crisis year of 1956. Analysing their mutual relations in 1956 is not only interesting from the point of view of East- West connections, but chiefly of the different approaches to Khrushchev's policy of destalinisation. Whereas the PCF was more or less under the Stalinist Maurice Thorez's control, which prevented Khrushchev's French supporters from influencing their party's politics, in case of the PZPR, the death of Bolesław Bierut in March 1956 made room for larger variety of opinions within the party. This master thesis describes not only the situation of both parties in 1956. It also analyses the images that the parties made about each other and the ways in which these images were spread and how they influenced the relations between them. The striking difference laid in the approach to the destalinisation. The parties perceived differently Khrushchev's -secret speech‖. The PCF leadership firstly denied its existence and later on claimed they did not know about it. The PZPR leadership decided to distribute the copies of the secret speech...

This research critically challenges the conventional understanding of terrorism, which is influenced by the views of states that label certain non-state actors as terrorists and their action as terrorism. The research demonstrates that there is a need to critically study the characteristics of every armed conflict constructed as terrorism. This is the case of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, which is constructed in the Turkish official discourse as a phenomenon of terrorism perpetrated by the PKK. In addition, the Turkish narrative of terrorism is not limited to the PKK, but it transcends to the Syrian Kurdish PYD and YPG, and other Kurdish movements and individuals. The findings of this research reveal that the Turkish official narrative of terrorism functions to achieve two main goals. The first goal is to delegitimize the PKK and the other Kurdish movements. The second goal is to legitimize the repressive policies of the Turkish authorities regarding these movements in particular and the Kurds in general. This is interconnected with the denial of the existence of the Kurdish question and framing it in the context of the narrative of terrorism. The research also reveals that the language and policy of peace and war could change according to the interests of states’ elites. This is the case of the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question, which changed under the influence of the elections and voting agendas of Erdogan and AKP. The research found that during the peace process and before the June 2015 elections, the approach of Turkish authorities was pro-peace negotiations and non-military action. However, as the AKP was not able to secure the majority that it sought in the June elections, the AKP authorities abandoned the peace process and adopted a military campaign and repressive policies. The latter matched the appeal of the AKP leadership to the votes of nationalist Turks in the November 2015 elections and the April 2017 referendum. / The full text was made available after embargo; 28th August 2020

This thesis deals with the development and position of the far-right Workers Party (DS) and the Workers Party of Social Justice (DSSS) in the political system of the Czech Republic. The work also includes a theoretical part, dealing with different views on extremism and radicalism. Also discussed is the position of the far-right parties in Central and Western Europe. The main goal is to capture the roots of the Workers 'Party, but also action and ideological bases its successor the Workers Party of Social Justice. Emphasis is placed on the presentation of the party and demonstrations. They are namely the main way to reach supporters. The thesis also analyzes the election results of DS (DSSS) and try to include the party in the Czech party system according to the theory of Giovanni Sartori. There is also a description of the organizational structure of the party and its affiliated organizations. The last chapter discusses the symbolism and iconography of the party.

This study scrutinizes the drug-terrorism nexus critically with intent to conceive possible remedies for the problem. The vast turnover of the global illicit drug industry constitutes the largest portion of organized crime enterprises' income. Different circles have argued that these enterprises are not the sole actors of the drug business, but terrorist groups, whose ultimate aim is a political change rather than financial strength, also profit from the “business.” The controversial nature of the problem fuelled heated debates and requires an in depth and impartial analysis, which was the main subject of the current study. At the first stage, three different cases, the PKK, the LTTE, and the SL, were studied either to prove or deny the alleged phenomenon. The sampled groups' ideology, structure, and operations helped understand the motives pushing the organizations into the ‘business.' Subsequently, several recommendations capturing vital issues both in countering terrorism and breaking terrorism-drugs link were spelled out.

Submitted by Paulo Riela (pjriela@gmail.com) on 2017-12-07T01:13:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Tranzilo Paulo.pdf: 50087508 bytes, checksum: f9cd0b164bd14960654c087f19a6c37a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora da Silva Lopes (silopes@ufba.br) on 2017-12-19T17:57:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Tranzilo Paulo.pdf: 50087508 bytes, checksum: f9cd0b164bd14960654c087f19a6c37a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-19T17:57:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Tranzilo Paulo.pdf: 50087508 bytes, checksum: f9cd0b164bd14960654c087f19a6c37a (MD5) / A presente tese de doutorado defendida no programa de Pós-graduação em Educação da Faculdade de Educação da Universidade Federal da Bahia integra o conjunto de estudos e investigações científicas produzidas a partir das problemáticas investigadas pela Linha de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação Física, Esporte e Lazer da FACED/UFBA a respeito da politica nacional de esporte no Brasil. O problema de investigação está delimitado em torno das contradições presentes na relação entre o Setorial de esporte e lazer do Partido dos Trabalhadores e a implementação da politica de esporte e lazer nos dois mandatos presidenciais de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva no período entre 2003 a 2010, na crítica que se faz necessária e, nas possibilidades de superação destas contradições. O objetivo do trabalho foi criticar as diretrizes, princípios e proposições elaboradas pelo Setorial de esporte e lazer do Partido dos Trabalhadores, verificar se foram implementadas nos dois mandatos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, apontar as contradições e, as possibilidades superadoras para a politica do esporte no Brasil. Trata-se de uma pesquisa documental e bibliográfica que utilizou como fonte de dados documentos do Setorial de esporte do Partido dos Trabalhadores, resoluções de congressos e encontros do partido, os documentos públicos do Ministério do Esporte neste período delimitado, produções acadêmicas, textos relacionados e dados oficiais do governo federal. Da análise foi possível elencar as bases políticas e programáticas das proposições do Setorial de esporte do Partido dos Trabalhadores relacionando-as à política do próprio partido frente às instituições do Estado e as contradições na implementação de tais proposições nos referidos mandatos presidenciais. A crítica realizada nos permite indicar possibilidades superadoras, entre as quais se destacam as seguintes: a) a necessidade de uma política nacional de esporte que democratize o acesso ao esporte, pois os dados são inequívocos ao demonstrar que, atualmente, a maioria da população está tolhida do direito de acessar o esporte; b) esta política está em relação direta ao atendimento de reivindicações históricas dos trabalhadores como a redução da jornada de trabalho sem diminuir o salário, garantindo-lhe assim um tempo livre disponível para a prática esportiva; c) a democratização do acesso ao esporte requer medidas de governo como a reestatização dos espaços e instalações esportivas no país e d) a democratização do esporte exige um maior volume de recursos públicos para ampliar espaços públicos de acesso gratuito à maioria da população oprimida do país. A luta pelo direito ao esporte tem nexo, portanto, com a luta da classe trabalhadora que busca utilizar seus instrumentos de luta para garantir e ampliar direitos elementares como o acesso a um serviço público de qualidade e aos bens culturais historicamente produzidos pela humanidade como é o caso do esporte. No Brasil, esta luta tem relação com o Partido dos Trabalhadores e o setorial de esporte do partido e se situa na arena da luta de classes. Portanto, é possível afirmar, a partir dos dados coletados e da crítica realizada, que a luta pela democratização do esporte no Brasil está relacionada à luta mais geral dos trabalhadores e, ao próprio desenlace no que tange as suas organizações políticas e sindicais. / ABSTRACT The present doctoral thesis defended in the Graduate Program in Education of the Faculty of Education of the Federal University of Bahia integrates the set of studies and scientific investigations produced from the problems investigated by the Line of Studies and Research in Physical Education, Sport and Leisure of FACED/UFBA regarding the national sports policy in Brazil. The research problem is delimited around the contradictions present in the relationship between the sports and leisure sector of the Workers Party and the implementation of sports and leisure politics in the two presidential mandates of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the period between 2003 and 2010, in the criticism that is necessary and in the possibilities of overcoming these contradictions. The objective of this study was to criticize the guidelines, principles and propositions elaborated by the Sports and Leisure Sector of the Workers Party, to verify if they were implemented in the two mandates of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, to point out the contradictions and, the overcoming possibilities for sports politics in the Brazil. This is a documentary and bibliographical research that used as a source of data documents of the Sports Sector of the Workers Party, resolutions of congresses and party meetings, public documents of the Ministry of Sports in this delimited period, academic productions, related texts and official data of the federal government. From the analysis it was possible to list the political and programmatic bases of Workers Party's Sectorial propositions relating them to the party's own policy towards state institutions and the contradictions in the implementation of such propositions in said presidential mandates. This criticism allows us to indicate overcoming possibilities, such as: a) the need for a national sports policy that democratize access to sport, since the data are unequivocal in showing that, currently, the majority of the population is impeded of the right to access the sport; b) this policy is in direct relation to the fulfillment of historical claims of the workers as the reduction of the working day without diminishing the salary, thus guaranteeing to him a free time available for the sport practice; c) the democratization of access to sports requires government measures such as the renationalization of sports spaces and installations in the country, and d) the democratization of sport requires a greater volume of public resources to expand public spaces of free access to the majority of the country's oppressed population. The struggle for the right to sport is therefore linked to the struggle of the working class, which seeks to use its instruments of struggle to guarantee and expand basic rights, such as access to a quality public service and to the cultural goods historically produced by humanity, such as case of sport. In Brazil, this struggle has a relationship with the Workers Party and the party's sports sector and is located in the arena of class struggle. Therefore, it is possible to affirm, from the data collected and from the critics held, that the struggle for the democratization of sport in Brazil is related to the more general struggle of the workers and the very outcome in relation to their political and union organizations. / RÉSUMÉ Cette thèse de doctorat défendue dans le Programme d'études supérieures d’Éducation de l'Université fédérale de Bahia comprend un ensemble d'études et de recherches scientifiques produites à partir du problème étudié par la Ligne d'études et de recherche en éducation physique, du sport et des loisirs de FACED/UFBA sur la politique nationale du sport au Brésil. Le problème de la recherche est limitée autour des contradictions dans les relations entre le Secteur du sport et des loisirs du Parti des Travailleurs et la mise en œuvre de la politique du sport et des loisirs dans les deux mandats présidentiels de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva au cours de la période allant de 2003 à 2010, la critique qui est nécessaire et les possibilités de surmonter ces contradictions. L'objectif était de critiquer les lignes directrices, des principes et des propositions élaborées par le Secteur du sport et des loisirs du Parti des Travailleurs, qui ont été mis en œuvre vérifier dans les deux mandats de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, en soulignant les contradictions et les possibilités de surmonter la politique du sport au Brésil. Il est une recherche documentaire et de la littérature qui a utilisé comme source de données les documents du Secteur des sports et des loisirs du Parti des Travailleurs, des résolutions du congrès et des réunions du parti, les documents publics du Ministère des Sports dans cette période définie, les productions universitaires, textes connexes et les données officielles du gouvernement fédéral. De l'analyse, il est possible d'énumérer les bases programmatiques et la politique du sport des propositions du Secteur des sports du Parti des Travailleurs les concernant à la politique du prope parti avant l’institutions étatiques et les contradictions dans la mise en œuvre de ces propositions dans ces mandats présidentiels. La critique est tenu d'indiquer les possibilités de surmonter, parmi lesquels nous mettons en évidence les éléments suivants: a) la nécessité d'une politique nationale du sport qui démocratise l'accès au sport, car les données sont sans équivoque à démontrer que, actuellement, la majeure partie de la population est exclue du droit d'accéder au sport; b) Cette politique est en relation directe avec la prise en charge des revendications historiques des travailleurs tels que la réduction du temps de travail sans réduction de salaire, garantissant ainsi un temps libre pour le sport; c) la démocratisation de l'accès au sport exige des mesures du gouvernement en tant que renationalisation des espaces et des installations sportives du pays et d) la démocratisation du sport a besoin d'un plus grand volume de ressources publiques pour élargir les espaces publics libre accès à la plupart de la population opprimée du pays. La lutte pour le droit au sport a lien, donc, avec la lutte de la classe ouvrière qui cherche à utiliser ses instruments de lutte pour sécuriser et élargir les droits fondamentaux tels que l'accès à un service public de qualité et des biens culturels historiquement produit par l'humanité comme le sport. Au Brésil, cette lutte a des liens avec au Parti des travailleurs et le Secteur du sport du parti et est dans l'arène de la lutte des classes. Par conséquent, il est possible de l’afirmer que, à partir des données recueillies et les critiques ont estimé, que la lutte pour la démocratisation du sport au Brésil est liée à la lutte plus générale des travailleurs et au prope denouement en ce qui concerne leurs organisations politiques et syndicales.

Há duas décadas, o PT sustenta uma posição crítica à reforma do aparelho do Estado realizada durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). No discurso tradicional petista, a Administração Pública Gerencial (APG) introduzida no país naquele período é apresentada como um conjunto de políticas de gestão com conteúdo político intrínseco e predefinido – de corte neoliberal e conservador – e não uma iniciativa que pode ser politicamente orientada pela esquerda. Essa posição se mantém ao longo dos anos pela necessidade de sustentar o antagonismo político e eleitoral em relação ao PSDB. O que esta tese mostra é uma revisão do discurso antirreforma petista. Diante dos problemas urbanos das cidades, dos entraves da burocracia pública e do aumento das demandas sociais, há prefeitos do partido implementando políticas normalmente associadas aos tucanos com a finalidade de modernizar a gestão e torná-la mais eficiente e efetiva. Essa mudança de postura não se dá sem constrangimentos, tensionamentos e conflitos com setores da legenda e do funcionalismo público, mas há nela sinais que apontam para a construção de um novo olhar petista sobre a APG. O gerencialismo, associado à participação, torna-se um aliado no fortalecimento da democracia e na busca pelos históricos compromissos sociais da esquerda. / For two decades, PT has held a tough critic regarding the state reform carried out by Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) during his government. According to PT’s traditional speech, the Managerial Public Administration introduced in the country in that period is considered a set of management policies within a neoliberal and conservative political bias. Through this view, the Managerial Public Administration agenda cannot be politically driven by a left party. This position has been maintained for so long because PT needs to keep the political and electoral antagonism in relation to PSDB. This thesis shows a review of PT's antireform speech. In contact with urban problems, public bureaucracy barriers and increasing of social demands, PT mayors are implementing policies associated with PSDB in order to modernize the management and make it more efficient and effective. This posture change is characterized by constraints, tensions and conflicts with party groups and public servants. But it has signs pointing out to the construction of a new view on Managerial Public Administration by PT. Associated with political participation, managerialism becomes an ally for democracy strengthening and for the pursuit of historical left social compromises.

This thesis addresses the controversy of Nazism as a political ideology in an ethical context, with emphasis on the role of man. The descriptive section looks at the origins and history of Nazism, its formation as a political party (NSDAP) and its main attributes. The topics of the prescriptive section are disputations the question of how Nazism stands in the context of various historical periods from antiquity to the peak period of Nazism. This section also deals with the problems of neo-Nazism. Two controversial publications of the major neo-Nazism promoters are subjected to examination and criticism. These publications and their promoters are ?My Awakening? by David Duke from the context of the world, and ?Taboos in the Social Sciences? by Petr Bakalář from the context of the Czech Republic.