Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2000. / "December 2000." Thesis advisor(s): Jeanne K. Giraldo. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

In Latin America, a social revolution is statistically far more likely to fail than to succeed. Yet there is little understanding as to the contributory factors of revolutionary failure or success. Many researchers look for commonalities by examining multiple revolutions across the region or even around the globe and throughout large periods of time, but their analysis frequently lacks commonality in the underlying conditions of the insurgencies. The case of Peru, however, provides a unique opportunity to examine multiple revolutions in the fairly homogenous environment of one state during a short and constrained timeframe of thirty years. In the history of the Republic of Peru, there have been only four social revolutions. These insurgencies were contained within two discreet periods of time: the MIR and ELN in the 1960’s, and Shining Path and MRTA in the 1980’s to 1990’s. While each of these revolutions experienced varying levels of success, each ultimately failed due, in no small part, to a particular set of structural and socioeconomic variables. / text

Esse trabalho é uma análise do Relatório Final da Comissão da Verdade e Reconciliação do Peru (CVR) e problematiza o tratamento dado pela Comissão na avaliação dos impactos da luta armada do Partido Comunista do Peru - Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL) e da resposta do Estado peruano a ela. A referência territorial do nosso trabalho é a serra sul central andina, particularmente o departamento de Ayacucho. Essa é uma das regiões de maior população quéchua-falante do país, é o local onde o PCP-SL surgiu e concentrou suas ações, sobretudo nos primeiros seis anos da década de 1980, e onde o conflito deixou mais vítimas e teve uma dinâmica mais acentuada de violência. Por este motivo, o foco deste trabalho é a questão indígena a partir da pergunta: de que modo ela é apresentada no Relatório Final da CVR? Para interpretar o Relatório, realizamos uma análise do discurso a partir de uma contextualização histórica e comparada do documento, e pela seleção de uma série de categorias-chave relacionadas ao horizonte étnico-racial colonial da sociedade peruana: índio, indígena, camponês(a), mestiço(a), misti e cholo(a). Como estratégias complementares para levantar e sintetizar outro tipo de dados e informações foram feitas duas viagens de campo ao Peru. A criação e o trabalho da Comissão têm uma importância histórica evidente no contexto latino-americano. Seu Relatório deve ser apreciado como ponto de partida importante para novas hipóteses, trabalhos de campo e na construção coletiva e popular de projetos de país que sejam plurais e democráticos. Quanto à questão indígena, o Relatório Final é produto de décadas de disputa de posições políticas e intelectuais, e como tal apresenta avanços, potencialidades, contradições e limites. A invisibilização dos povos indígenas andinos e o obscurecimento da questão remetem mais, portanto, a problemas próprios desses debates que antecedem à Comissão. A CVR localiza-se em um contexto de esgotamento dos discursos de mestiçagem como aposta das elites políticas e intelectuais para resolver a questão nacional pendente, mas situa-se em um momento que a valorização e o reconhecimento das diferenças como potencialidade na construção de um Estado popular e democrático é limitada / This work aims to analyze the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru (CVR in Portuguese), and discusses the Commission\'s treatment of the impacts of the armed struggle of the Communist Party of Peru - Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso, PCP-SL) and the response of the Peruvian state for it. The territorial reference of our report is the southern Andean mountain range, particularly the department of Ayacucho. This region has one of the largest Quechua-speaking population in the country, it is where PCP-SL emerged and concentrated its actions, overall in the first six years of the 1980s, when the conflict left more victims and was more violent. For this reason, the focus of this work is the indigenous issue based on the question: howis it presented in the CVR Final Report? In order to interpret the Report, a discourse analysis was conducted on a historical and comparative contextualization of the document, and the selection of categories related to the ethnic-racial colonial horizon of Peruvian society: Indian, indigenous, peasant, mestizo, misti and cholo. Two field trips to Peru were made in order to complement strategies to collect and synthesize other data and information. The creation and work of the Commission have historic importance in the Latin American context. Its Report should be appreciated as an important starting point for new hypotheses, fieldwork and the collective and popular construction of plural and democratic country projects. As for the indigenous issue, the Final Report is the product of decades of dispute over political and intellectual positions, and as such, it presents advances, potentialities, contradictions and limits. The invisibility of the Andean indigenous people and the obscuring of the issue are, therefore, more akin to the problems inherent in these debates which preceded the Commission. The CVR is in a context of the depletion of mestizaje discourses as a bet by the political and intellectual elites to solve the pending national question, but it is at a time when the valorization and recognition of differences as potentialities in the construction of a Popular and democratic state is limited

Dans une approche superficielle de l’Histoire péruvienne récente, la violence a d’abord eu pour nom Sentier Lumineux ; elle s’appelle aussi « armée » et « groupes para-militaires ». Chronologiquement, elle peut être située entre 1980 et 1992 (date de l’arrestation d’Abimael Guzmán, le leader incontesté du groupe maoïste). Une façon de dénoncer cette violence a été de faire appel à une forme discursive dont le premier sens est juridique : le témoignage. Les témoignages, alors réunis du temps de cette guerre sale (appelée aussi « conflit interne ») et dans les années qui ont suivi, ont permis à la Commission de la Vérité et de la Réconciliation (C.V.R., créée en 2001) de mettre en évidence des mécanismes qui tiennent autant à cette expérience de la violence qu’à une mise en mots de cette expérience. La réalité de ces décennies de terreur engendre donc deux réactions. Une réaction politique, journalistique et juridique (par exemple, la commission présidée par Mario Vargas Llosa en 1984, après le massacre de journalistes à Uchuraccay), d’abord. Ensuite, une réaction artistique et littéraire, souvent en décalage par rapport à la chronologie historique. Dans tous les cas, on pourrait dire que le témoignage est une forme privilégiée de ce dire. Ainsi, l’écriture des écrivains péruviens, empreinte du contexte national, tente d’informer le lecteur à l’aide de données historiographiques, journalistiques, politiques et/ou personnelles plus ou moins avérées, et au-delà cherche à réfléchir sur la crédibilité du politique, sur la légitimité du pouvoir, sur la permanence de l’Humain. Dans la plupart de ces œuvres, dont notre corpus est un échantillon, nous nous interrogeons sur les formes littéraires que peut prendre cette violence. Mêlant prose, vers et bande dessinée, on trouve chez les auteurs, d’une part, la nécessité de dire ce que l’on a vu ou entendu -le témoin de cette Histoire s’impose donc souvent comme protagoniste de l’œuvre littéraire- mais aussi, d’autre part, la nécessité de guider le lecteur dans la fiction proposée. Pour ce faire, nous avons choisi dix auteurs, consacrés ou relativement inconnus, dont une partie de l’œuvre traite de cette problématique. Ce sont les romanciers Mario Vargas Llosa (Lituma en los Andes, 1993), Alonso Cueto (La hora azul, 2005) et Santiago Roncagliolo (Abril rojo, 2007). Dans le domaine de la nouvelle, nous avons retenu aussi trois auteurs : Julián Pérez (« Los alzados », 1986), Pilar Dughi (« El cazador », 1989) et Sócrates Huaita Zuzunaga (« Ayataki », 1989). Quant à la poésie, elle est représentée ici par Rodrigo Quijano (Una procesión entera va por dentro, 1998), Rocío Silva Santisteban (Las hijas del terror, 2005) et Luis Rodríguez Castillo (El monstruo de los cerros, 2005). Enfin, nous avons sélectionné la bande dessinée de Jesús Cossío, Alfredo Villar et Luis Rossell (Rupay, 2008). / In Peru’s recent History, violence can first be superficially referred to under the name of Shining Path, or synonyms such as « army » and « paramilitary groups ». Chronologically speaking, this violence can be dated from 1980 until 1992–the year when the Maoist group’s undisputed leader, AG, was arrested. One way to denounce such violence has been to use a discursive (though originally legal) form: witness statements. All the witness statements gathered over the years of this dirty war (also named « internal conflict ») and over the following years, have made it possible for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (T. R. C., established in 2003) to highlight mechanisms owing to both the experience of violence and the voicing of such experience. The reality of these decades of terror therefore triggered two reactions: first, a political, journalistic and legal reaction–for example, the committee chaired by MVL in 1984, after some journalists were murdered in Uchurracay; then, an artistic and literary reaction often taking a distance with historical chronology. In both cases, witness statement is the form chosen to best express such commitment. The writing of Peruvian authors, relying on national context, thus wishes to inform the reader through the use of more or less reliable historiographical, journalistic, political and/or personal data. It further intends to ponder over the credibility of politics, the legitimacy of power, and human resistance. The selection from these works we have made in our corpus wishes to question the literary forms such violence can take. Writing in prose, in verse and under the form of comic books, the authors express on the one hand the necessity to say what was seen or heard–the witness of this History often becomes in this case the protagonist of the work – but also, on the other hand, the necessity to guide the reader through the fiction itself. Our selection thus includes ten established or relatively unknown authors whose work partly tackles such issue: three novelists, Mario Vargas Llosa (Lituma en los Andes, 1993), Alonso Cueto (La hora azul, 2005) and Santiago Roncagliolo (Abril rojo, 2007), and three short-story writers, Julián Pérez (Los alzados, 1986), Pilar Dughi (El cazador, 1989) and Sócrates Huaita Zuzunaga (Ayataki, 1989). Poetry is represented through the work of Rodrigo Quijano (Una procesión entera va por dentro, 1998), Rocío Silva Santisteban (Las hijas del terror, 2005) and Luis Rodríguez Castillo (El monstruo de los cerros, 2005), and the comic book we have selected is that of Jesús Cossío, Alfredo Villar and Luis Rossell (Rupay, 2008).

Esse trabalho é uma análise do Relatório Final da Comissão da Verdade e Reconciliação do Peru (CVR) e problematiza o tratamento dado pela Comissão na avaliação dos impactos da luta armada do Partido Comunista do Peru - Sendero Luminoso (PCP-SL) e da resposta do Estado peruano a ela. A referência territorial do nosso trabalho é a serra sul central andina, particularmente o departamento de Ayacucho. Essa é uma das regiões de maior população quéchua-falante do país, é o local onde o PCP-SL surgiu e concentrou suas ações, sobretudo nos primeiros seis anos da década de 1980, e onde o conflito deixou mais vítimas e teve uma dinâmica mais acentuada de violência. Por este motivo, o foco deste trabalho é a questão indígena a partir da pergunta: de que modo ela é apresentada no Relatório Final da CVR? Para interpretar o Relatório, realizamos uma análise do discurso a partir de uma contextualização histórica e comparada do documento, e pela seleção de uma série de categorias-chave relacionadas ao horizonte étnico-racial colonial da sociedade peruana: índio, indígena, camponês(a), mestiço(a), misti e cholo(a). Como estratégias complementares para levantar e sintetizar outro tipo de dados e informações foram feitas duas viagens de campo ao Peru. A criação e o trabalho da Comissão têm uma importância histórica evidente no contexto latino-americano. Seu Relatório deve ser apreciado como ponto de partida importante para novas hipóteses, trabalhos de campo e na construção coletiva e popular de projetos de país que sejam plurais e democráticos. Quanto à questão indígena, o Relatório Final é produto de décadas de disputa de posições políticas e intelectuais, e como tal apresenta avanços, potencialidades, contradições e limites. A invisibilização dos povos indígenas andinos e o obscurecimento da questão remetem mais, portanto, a problemas próprios desses debates que antecedem à Comissão. A CVR localiza-se em um contexto de esgotamento dos discursos de mestiçagem como aposta das elites políticas e intelectuais para resolver a questão nacional pendente, mas situa-se em um momento que a valorização e o reconhecimento das diferenças como potencialidade na construção de um Estado popular e democrático é limitada / This work aims to analyze the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru (CVR in Portuguese), and discusses the Commission\'s treatment of the impacts of the armed struggle of the Communist Party of Peru - Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso, PCP-SL) and the response of the Peruvian state for it. The territorial reference of our report is the southern Andean mountain range, particularly the department of Ayacucho. This region has one of the largest Quechua-speaking population in the country, it is where PCP-SL emerged and concentrated its actions, overall in the first six years of the 1980s, when the conflict left more victims and was more violent. For this reason, the focus of this work is the indigenous issue based on the question: howis it presented in the CVR Final Report? In order to interpret the Report, a discourse analysis was conducted on a historical and comparative contextualization of the document, and the selection of categories related to the ethnic-racial colonial horizon of Peruvian society: Indian, indigenous, peasant, mestizo, misti and cholo. Two field trips to Peru were made in order to complement strategies to collect and synthesize other data and information. The creation and work of the Commission have historic importance in the Latin American context. Its Report should be appreciated as an important starting point for new hypotheses, fieldwork and the collective and popular construction of plural and democratic country projects. As for the indigenous issue, the Final Report is the product of decades of dispute over political and intellectual positions, and as such, it presents advances, potentialities, contradictions and limits. The invisibility of the Andean indigenous people and the obscuring of the issue are, therefore, more akin to the problems inherent in these debates which preceded the Commission. The CVR is in a context of the depletion of mestizaje discourses as a bet by the political and intellectual elites to solve the pending national question, but it is at a time when the valorization and recognition of differences as potentialities in the construction of a Popular and democratic state is limited

ČERMÁKOVÁ, DENISA. The Shining Path - Reasons of Failure. Prague: Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2011, 63 pp. Diploma Thesis. The thesis focuses on twenty years of existence of the Shining Path. The first part of this diploma is focused on history, activities and ideological principles of this guerilla group. Its activities represented a threat not only to government officials but also for the indigenous population. The activities of the Shining Path broke the effective functioning of the state, which was in a civil war. The work also analyzes the situation of the indigenous population, which became the main target of terror both the Shining Path and state power. When the Shining Path became the main source of political violence, Alberto Fujimori was elected a president. Fujimori with great support from the population began vigorous fight against guerrillas operating in Peru. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Fujimori strategy of struggle against the Shining Path. The thesis also deals with the apparent shift toward the Fujimori regime authoritarian form of governance. The essential role was played in this struggle by the indigenous population that despite the initial sympathy to the members of the Shining Path stopped to support it. Keywords: Peru - the Shining...

My dissertation focuses on a subset of non-lethal violence, particularly the maiming and lasting scars of what I term “communicative violence.” I define communicative violence as non-lethal violence that leaves physical and visible marks with lasting legacy effects (i.e., scars or physical ailments that can serve as signals until the victim’s death). This project builds a theory of communicative violence and offers empirical evidence from 15 months of field research conducted in Peru on the internal armed conflict with Sendero Luminoso from 1980-2000. I argue that a combination of cultural differences, lack of state capacity, and rugged terrain helps to explain the prevalence of communicative violence. A recent development in the study of civil wars is the explosion of micro-level research, which makes an empirical move toward subnational research designs. One of these developments revolves around the conceptual disaggregation of violence and conflict. While this vein of research is primarily focused on the patterns of homicidal violence, as distinct from the logic of conflict in general, the specific issue of communicative violence has gone largely unnoticed in the discipline. Thus, my project seeks to fill that void. / Political Science

This diploma thesis studies the influence of Sendero Luminoso, Peruvian Maoist guerilla movement, upon the life in Peru. The introductory part deals with the second half of the 20th century Peruvian history that preceded the internal armed conflict. The main part of the thesis focuses on the activity of Sendero Luminoso and counterinsurgency forces in the last two decades of the previous century and on the influence these activities had on the Peruvian population. The final part evaluates the present time (post-2000) influence of Sendero Luminoso in Peru as well as various forms of its presence.

This article explores the short but intense history of the word terruco, a colloquial term which is used as a substitute for terrorist. In particular, the article aims to show that the use of terruco as an insult, although originally aimed at members of groups in arms, contributed decisively during the years of the dirty war and even in recent times, to stigmatize sectors of the Peruvian population, including defenders of human rights, relatives of those detained and other victims of political violence, and in general persons of Indian origin. Its frequent use in torture sessions and episodes of sexual assault added an additional dimension to the connection between the term terruco and generalized forms of abuse and violence which were considered by many Peruvians as necessary and even legitimate during the years of internal armed conflict. / Este artículo explora la breve pero intensa historia de la palabra terruco, un término coloquial que se usa como sustituto de terrorista. En particular, se intenta demostrar que el uso de terruco como un insulto, aunque en principio dirigido a los miembros de los grupos alzados en armas, contribuyó decisivamente, durante los años de la guerra sucia e incluso en tiempos más recientes, a estigmatizar a distintos sectores de la población peruana, incluyendo a defensores de derechos humanos, familiares de detenidos y otras víctimas de la violencia política, y personas de origen indígena en general. Su uso recurrente en sesiones de tortura y en episodios de violación sexual añade una dimensión adicional a la conexión entre el término terruco y la práctica generalizada de formas de abuso y violencia que fueron consideradas, por muchos peruanos, necesarias y hasta legítimas durante los años del conflicto armado interno

Los comedores populares autogestionarios - CPA tienen más de 35años de existencia, desde 1978, a la cabeza de mujeres valerosas, en una Lima pobre, migrante y luchadora. Estas mujeres lucharon frente al Estado por derechos y reivindicaciones, como servicios básicos y políticas alimentarias. Las mujeres hicieron, de temas caseros, políticas públicas que lograron sostener, en gran medida, la crisis económica a fines de la década de 1980 e inicios de la de 1990, dando así muestras de organización a gran escala en un con- texto sumamente difícil. En ese complicado panorama, convivieron con integrantes del grupo subversivo del Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso - PCP-SL, que incursionó en las barriadas para «profundizar las contradicciones» y aplicó, en nombre de la justicia, estrategias de guerra.La investigación rastrea las trayectorias de las exdirigentas de los CPA en el distrito limeño de El Agustino, y recoge sus testimonios sobre la violencia política que les tocó vivir entre 1978 y 19922 ysobre las problemáticas relaciones con el Estado. Esta convivencia produjo un complicado tejido de hilos muy delgados, donde lascercanías y lejanías de estas mujeres frente a Sendero Luminoso fueron parte de un proceso más complejo. / The self-managed people’s kitchens (CPA) have more than thirty five years of existence since 1978. They are led by brave women who live in a poor, inmigrant and courageous Lima. They struggled with the state for their rights and demands for basic services and food policies. These women made home topics into declared public policies and were able to bear through the economic crisis of the 80s and part of the 90s, showing a highly effective way of organization in a very difficult period. In that very complex context they were able to get along with members of Sendero Luminoso (SL) who entered the shanty towns to «exacerbate contradictions» and applied their war strategies in the name of «justice».This investigation traces the trajectories of former leaders of the CPAs from the district of El Agustino, and presents their testimonies on the political violence that they lived between 1978 and 1992, and on their difficult relations with the State. This coexistence produced a very complex texture of thin threads, where living in proximitywhile keeping distance from SL were part or a more complex process.