<p> The patterns of working class settlement for New York City were established using occupation statistics found within the 1940 census. The health areas of the city's boroughs were shaded based on location quotients. Location quotients were calculated for craftsmen, operatives and labourers individually and then as a group, defining the term "total working class". The urban structure of New York City, presented in the four maps of working class settlement, failed to show the existence of five distinct concentric areas which Burgess identified in Chicago in 1925. The complicated topography, peripheral location of manufacturing industries, and lack of evenly dispersed transportation modes and bridges have contributed to the unique arrangement of settlement in New York City. </p> / Thesis / Bachelor of Arts (BA)

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

These stories examine the lives of working class people in light of the current economic and social climate. They address and attempt to empathize with the despair and disillusionment many working class Americans express in response to their economic and social realities, and the stories attempt to walk a non-judgmental line regarding the attitudes these characters espouse. Instead of judging the characters or championing a particular moral stance, the pieces attempt to present individuals faced with major failures: child abandonment, guilt over preventable death, overriding selfishness, racism, and shame regarding social status. These failures of character or morality echo the larger failings, as the characters perceive them, of their time and place. Within this worldview of disillusionment and despair, many of the characters in these stories choose to struggle toward self-betterment—not economic or social betterment per se, but individual betterment, a reckoning with themselves and their failures that necessarily reflects and interacts with the world they inhabit. These are stories rooted in the Midwest and its rust-belt inhabitants, but for all their contemporary socio-economic concerns, the stories are first and foremost concerned with the individual and representing each individual portrayed accurately and honestly. / Master of Fine Arts

The present research was a theory building endeavor which utilized the concept of occupational community. This study had a dual focus, causes of occupational communities and occupational solidarity. The causes of occupational communities (work groups which have distinct work and leisure overlap, occupationally based reference groups, and strong sense of separation from outsiders) were specified through an examination of sociological literature on eighteen occupations. The most notable finding from this was that causes of occupational communities were such that we can expect these work structures to emerge well into the future. The second aim was to generate theory about occupational solidarity. Causal factors were integrated into a constructive typology which theorized that solidarity and control were major social facts in occupational communities. Solidarity was seen serving to bind workers to one another, while control secured workers into work roles. Control could be internal or external to the occupational community, depending upon whether or not the workers in the community had power and autonomy to regular their work and enforce boundaries. Solidarity was theorized to be either dynamic or static. Dynamic solidarity was seen as dialectically related to control forces, that is, sometimes conflicting with control, or at least in a state of "anxiety." Static solidarity, the opposite of dynamic, was a type coterminous with control forces and did not offer any resistance. The main conclusion was that the dynamic-static solidarity, internal-external control theory may be applicable to all occupations within a capitalist economic structure. / Ph. D.