Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-61). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Michigan, 1995.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Michigan, 1995.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of English, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], ii, 79 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 78-79).

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study investigates some factors involved in the genesis of political deviance by regarding established values and norms as major sources of deviant behavior. Important kinds of political deviance in North American society are seen as emerging from a cleavage in perspective which originates in the different social backgrounds of elites and non-elite groups. 'Elites' are groups of individuals who hold positions at the apex of the various institutions, and who can appreciably influence the life chances of others. The term 'non-elite groups' refers to those groups of persons who have no such prerogative. Existing standards of behavior are taken as a point of departure by regarding them as alienating conditions from the viewpoint of some non-elite members of society. Such non-elite estrangement from existing values and norms may result in protest which, in a given circumstance, officialdom may define as deviant conduct. In order to dissolve the challenge which this deviance signifies to commonly accepted standards the authorities may react to it by the enacting and/or application of rules. The types of devices the authorities will apply to control the deviant conduct depend upon the conditions they perceive as motivating it. Two social conditions are here assumed to be frequent sources of alienation and, ultimately, deviance. One such condition has its origin in the man-work relationship and can be described in terms of the orthodox Marxian notion of alienation from work. Another condition refers to the total disenchantment of a group of individuals with established values and norms. These assumptions suggest the interrelation of the three major sociological concepts of alienation, deviance and social control in order to demonstrate that the phenomena represented by them manifest themselves in a temporal sequence that is integral to the process of becoming deviant. This theoretical outline guided the sociological interpretation of historical materials that encompass some of the activities engaged in by radical labor movements in North America during the post-World War I and II periods. Documents from Labor, business and government sources were introduced as the data. The study confirms an often-made assumption that political deviance and possibly other forms of deviance emanate from a cleavage in perspective that arises from the different social experiences common to elites and non-elite groups. Where such cleavage is appreciable, the authorities frequently perceive Labor's conduct as motivated by a Communist conspiracy that aims at the replacement of existing standards with the objectives of the "co-operative commonwealth". Where this cleavage is less pronounced, the authorities perceive some groups of individuals as disaffected from the work role. A comparison of the U.S. and Canadian perspectives of the events examined generally reveals only minor differences between the U.S. and Canadian Labor Movements. These differences are here regarded as resulting from the evolution of the North American Trade Union Movement itself. No important differences are found to exist between the perspectives of these incidents by the U.S. and Canadian authorities in the two historical periods examined. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

No description available.

In the years following the Religious Worship Census of 1851, there was a general increase in anxiety about the state of working-class churchgoing. Many prominent church leaders and social commentators believed that rapid industrialisation and urbanisation had led to the ‘alienation’ of the working classes from the practice of religious worship. The working classes were largely seen as ‘irreligious’ and not interested in aligning themselves to the customs of the rising middle classes who were seen as the stalwarts of the churches. The later nineteenth century was a time of anxiety for many clergy, and prominent social investigators, such as Charles Booth, carried out studies into the extent of poverty amongst various sections of society. A growing recognition of the problem of poverty led to some considering that financial disadvantage was a barrier to the churchgoing habits of the working classes. However, these ‘pessimistic’ perceptions of working-class churchgoing could originate from very different interpretations of the new industrial world, and from different conceptions of human nature. A large part of Karl Marx’s legacy has been his linking of ‘irreligion’ to the oppression of the ‘proletariat’ under industrial capitalism and Frederick Engels legitimised Marx’s theories with his 1845 book on the Condition of the Working Classes in England. However, part of the problem of interpreting Victorian affiliation to the churches is that so much effort has gone into either supporting or refuting the Marxist view amongst historians that the actual purpose of the enquiry has been somewhat lost. There has developed in recent years a rather disconnected debate with the ‘revisionist’ case the strongest and the belief that churches were middle-class institutions overturned by a recourse to ‘social composition analysis’. In effect, the revisionists have employed the use of the occupational analysis of churchgoers from which to discern the social ‘class’ make up of individual churches, which has provided evidence for widespread and significant working-class churchgoing. However, when this methodology is investigated, it is not hard to find critics of the use of occupational titles as a guide to nineteenth-century social ‘class’. This study is an attempt to look at churchgoing from a point of view that does not rely on occupational labels as the indicator of the social make-up of churches. Rather, it employs the use of the Scottish valuation rolls, which provided the official rented value of all properties, as a tool from which to develop a wide-ranging analysis of churchgoing, work and status in a nineteenth-century industrial town. It is, in large part, a study of housing and employment structures as gauged from a systematic analysis of the valuation rolls, the results of which are then measured against the four main Presbyterian churches of the town. The subject of the research is Falkirk because it experienced the transition from a traditional to industrial economy needed to evaluate the impact of industrialisation on working-class churchgoing. The study spans 1860 to 1890 and evaluates both points in time. It is effectively a historical investigation into the social and occupational structure of Falkirk town householders and how the main Presbyterian churches of the area reflected this societal formation. It naturally includes a large component of how social ‘status’ was ordered amongst the core householder population in terms of work, social relations, property and churchgoing. In addition, the methodology employed in the form of property valuations has produced a critique of the traditional system of classification by occupation and somewhat challenged its reliability.

Les transformations économiques et sociales des sociétés anciennement industrielles ont contribué à la métamorphose des centres anciens de nombreuses villes. Des mouvements centripètes de capitaux et de population, se sont initiés et intensifiés ces dernières décennies. La périphérie des villes autrefois si attractive n’est plus le lieu privilégié d’un type de population qui lui préfère les centres anciens. Il s’agit de la gentrification. Barcelone et plus récemment Marseille n’ont pas échappé à cette dynamique. En s’appuyant sur des travaux pluridisciplinaires, cette thèse se propose tout d’abord de rappeler les définitions du processus, puis d’en saisir les étapes et les modalités sur le terrain. Or, cette étude nous amène à comprendre la gentrification comme un aspect de la métropolisation, dans ses dimensions économique, urbanistique, sociale, politique et culturelle. Depuis les années 1990, quels sont les indices nous permettant d’affirmer qu’un « retour en ville » est en marche ? Une approche quantitative basée sur un important corpus statistique et la confrontation de ces résultats statistiques à des données plus qualitatives nous permettent de répondre à cette question, tout en révélant une réalité idiosyncratique qui interroge la théorie. Enfin, les modes et les rythmes de développement d’un processus qui ne se limite plus aux quartiers anciens et centraux mais qui par capillarité se répand dans les faubourgs laissent apparaître, dans ces deux villes nord-méditerranéennes, non pas un processus de gentrification mais des processus différenciés. / Economic and social changes of old industrial societies have contributed to the transformation of the downtown of many cities. The centripetal flow of capital and population has initiated and intensified in recent decades. The suburbs of cities, initially so attractive, seems to decline for a new type of population who prefers the downtown way of life. This is gentrification. Barcelona, and most recently Marseille, have not escaped this dynamic. Firstly, based on interdisciplinary works, this thesis proposes to record the definition of the process and to grasp the steps and procedures in the field. However, this study leads us to understand the gentrification as an aspect of metropolization, in its economic, urban, social, political and cultural dimensions. Since the 1990s, what have the changes been, that allow us to affirm that "a back to the city" is running? A quantitative approach based on an extensive statistical corpus and the confrontation of these statistical results of the qualitative data, we can answer this question, while revealing an idiosyncratic reality that questions the theory. Finally, the modes and rates of development of a process that is no longer confined to the old and central areas but spreads by capillary action in the inner-suburbs, demonstrates in both north -Mediterranean cities, that there is not one process of gentrification but differentiated processes.