From the late nineteenth century to the end of the Great War, Britain underwent a profound transition in the way the State conceptualized and approached the related issues of infant mortality, maternal welfare, and public health. For much of the nineteenth century, the State’s liberal, laissez-faire tradition dictated an anti-interventionist approach to public health which emphasized the notion of personal responsibility and respected individual liberties. Complementing this, the fragmented, localized and disciplinary governance methods this engendered were reflective of the Foucauldian power technology of anatomo-power. However, armed with knowledge of the conditions of the slums and the military consequences such conditions reaped shortly after the turn of the century, Britain’s legislative and governance approach to infant and maternal welfare, and public health more generally, evolved as the State began to take greater control over these issues in a manner reflective of a turn towards the welfare state and biopolitics. However, it was only upon the declaration of War in 1914, and in response to the cataclysmic threats this conflict presented, that the conditions occurred which allowed the State to exert an unprecedented authority over the population. This implicitly challenged the traditions of laissez faire-liberalism and anatomo-power, and reflected a pivotal turn towards the welfare state and the implementation of biopolitical governance techniques. Using Foucault’s theory of biopolitics, this thesis assesses this transition with a view to emphasizing the experiences of working-class women, their children, and how their health and welfare improved as a result of these complementary and parallel transitions.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-09Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:31:37Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_h_me_mar.pdf: 687106 bytes, checksum: d46ce341d631333307ce6d01a4182c93 (MD5) / Esta pesquisa tem como tema investigar a resistência da classe trabalhadora bancária do Banespa contra a privatiza;ão da instituição no contexto da política neoliberal adotada no país. A pesquisa priorizou, especificamente, investigar a atuação da entidade representativa dos trabalhadores do Banco do Estado de São Paulo, a Afubesp-Associação dos Funcionários do Banespa. Destaca-se o movimento de resistência promovido pela associação dos trabalhadores, mobilizando a categoria bancária para impedir a privatização do banco. Neste processo, percebemos uma luta de classes entre capital e trabalho. Debatemos,nesta pesquisa, a conscientização política da vanguarda do movimento bancário, pois sua ofensiva possibilitou uma resposta positiva a sua atuação, juntamente com o sindicato da categoria em favor dos banespianos. Neste contexto, resgatamos um balanço histórico do movimento de resistência bancária, propondo uma análise crítica frente à mobilização desta categoria de trabalhadores. A relevância do estudo aponta para a análise de dados significativos sobre as transformações nas relações do trabalho bancário e enfoca a atuação de organismos de representação dos trabalhadores e do sindicato da categoria bancária, trazendo à memória valores intrínsecos à consciência de classe dos trabalhadores e da sua particularidade. Destaca,também, a pesquisa, que as formas de resistência adotadas pelos trabalhadores bancários, permitiu agir com procedimentos legais e jurídicos que possibilitou resistir à venda da instituição para um grupo financeiro privado, justificando sua ofensiva e promovendo um debate com vários setores da sociedade civil, chamando atenção para aquele momento singular da história brasileira, trazendo à tona discussões político-ideológicas em torno de interesses antagônicos. / This research theme is to investigate resistance of Banespa working class against the institution privatization in the context of the neo-liberal political science adopted in the country. It is prioritized, especially, to investigate the entity actuation that represents the State of São Paulo Bank employees, Afubesp (Associação dos Funcionários do Banespa). It is stood out the resistance movement promoted by workers association, mobilizing the bank class to impede the privatization. In this process it is realized a classes fight between capital and work. It is discussed the political consciousness of the bank movement vanguard, for, its offensive enabled a positive answer to its actuation, joined with the trade union in behalf of Banespa employees. In this context, it is recovered a historical examination of bank resistance movement, proposing a critique analysis about this working class mobilization. The importance of this study points to a critique analysis of significant facts about the transformations in the relationship of bank work, and focus on the actuation of organizations that represents the employees and the trade union of bank class, bringing to memory intrinsic values to working class conscience and its particularity. It is also stood out that resistance forms adopted by the bank employees allowed them to act with legal and juridical procedures which enabled them to resist the institution sale to a private financial group, justifying its offensive and promoting a discussion with a number of civilian society sectors, directing people attention to that peculiar moment of Brazilian history, becoming notable ideological and political discussion towards antagonistic interests.

Orientador: Marcelo Weishaupt Proni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T05:36:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Shungu_LikeleHamidu_M.pdf: 1016104 bytes, checksum: 91427c3514ac592106fb0356d975c640 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Acredita-se que o emprego é a melhor maneira de combater a pobreza. O governo da Tanzânia, após a adoção de políticas neoliberais, esperava que uma economia de mercado criasse empregos produtivos que aumentariam a renda da classe trabalhadora. O que motiva o autor a realizar este estudo é o fato de que, após o início da globalização neoliberal, houve uma criação e a reprodução do grupo de pessoas que estão trabalhando, mas elas ainda são pobres: os "trabalhadores pobres".Portanto, este estudo, através da utilização de fontes secundárias, tentou entender os impactos das reformas neoliberais sobre a criação e a reprodução do grupo de trabalhadores pobres. Ao invés de empregos de qualidade, recebemos empregos sem qualidade que se caracterizavam por baixos salários.O estudo veio com a descoberta de que algumas tendências - privatizar ou sacrificar os serviços sociais para as forças de mercado, através de políticas de distribuição de renda, fiscal, monetária e comercial, bem como a flexibilização da legislação trabalhista - contribuiu com o surgimento de baixa e má qualidade dos empregos e com a diminuição do salário real dos setores que foram deixados para enfrentar as forças do mercado. Este estudo deverá beneficiar os políticos e os atores sociais, dando-lhes argumentos para melhores políticas que aumentem a renda da classe operária e transformem a sociedade tanzaniana, de trabalhadores pobres para trabalhos de qualidade e dignos / Abstract: Employment was believed to be the best way to tackle poverty. The Tanzanian government after adopting neoliberal policies from socialism expected that a market economy would create productive jobs that would increase income of the working class. What motivates the writer to undertake this study is the fact that, prior to the onset of neoliberal globalization, there have been a class of people who are working, but yet they are still poor: "the working poor". Therefore this study through the use of secondary sources attempted to understand the impacts of neoliberal reforms to the creation of the working poor. Instead of decent and productive work we receive unproductive and non decent jobs. The study came with the findings that some tendencies - privatizing or sacrificing social service for market forces, through policies for distribution of income, fiscal, monetary and trade policies as well as flexibilization of the labour law - contributed to the rise of unproductive jobs and decline of real income of sectors that were left to confront market forces. This study is beneficial for policy makers and social actors by giving them arguments for better policies that would increase income of the working class and transform Tanzanian society from working poor to productive and decent jobs / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Adults from the middle-classes are up to three times more likely to be regularly involved in sport than those from the working-class. The reason for this participation anomaly has been consistently linked to the differing lifestyles and opportunities to which young people from working and middle-class backgrounds are exposed. More specifically, working-class children are more likely to develop narrow, class-related leisure profiles and sporting repertoires during their childhood that serve to limit the likelihood of them remaining physically active in adulthood. In relation to this, one of the key aims of physical education (PE) in mainstream schools is to develop the range of skills and knowledge for all pupils and widen their sporting repertoires in an attempt to promote long-term participation throughout their lives. However, not only has PE provision in British mainstream schools been shown to be unsuccessful in promoting working-class pupils’ sporting/ability development, some suggest that the subject may even be perpetuating the social difference that has been shown to exist in relation to sports participation between social class groups. In order to address these issues the study set out to examine the extent to which the wider social background of white, working-class ‘lads’ and the actions and attitudes of their PE teachers came to impact on the way the lads influenced and experienced their PE curriculum/lessons. It also aimed to examine the impact that school PE then had on their sporting repertoires and participation in sport/active leisure outside of school. A total of 24 days were spent in Ayrefield Community School (ACS), a purposively selected, working-class state secondary school as part of a case study design. Over 60 practical PE lessons were observed that led to differing roles being adopted and guided conversations being conducted before, during, and after these lessons. Eight focus group interviews were also conducted with specifically chosen lads as well as one with the four members of male PE staff. Additional observations were also carried out during off-site trips, external visits, and in a range of classroom-based lessons. The findings were then considered and examined in relation to the work of the sociologists Norbert Elias and Pierre Bourdieu. The findings revealed that the pressures related to the modern education system and the social expectations linked to their working-class backgrounds caused a split between the lads at ACS in to three broad groups, namely: Problematics, Participants and Performers. These groupings came to impact on the ways that these lads engaged and achieved in school as well as the ways in which they came to negotiate and experience PE. The ‘Problematic’ group held largely negative views of education, but valued PE, especially when playing football, the ‘Participants’ were relatively successful at school yet apathetic regarding the content and delivery of their PE lessons, and a Performer group of lads emerged who engaged and achieved highly at school and participated in a range of activities in PE, but showed little intention of participating outside of school due to their pragmatic attitude to ‘learning’ in PE. Despite these differing school and PE experiences between the lads’ groups, the potential and actual impact of school PE on their sporting repertoires, skills, and interests was ultimately constrained by a range of issues. In the first instance the lads’ narrow, class-related leisure profiles and sporting repertoires linked closely to recreational participation with friends, alongside a lack of proactive parenting were significant limiting factors. In addition, the ability of some lads to constrain the actions of PE staff and peers to get what they wanted in PE rather than what they needed, and the negative views of most lads to skill development and structured PE lessons meant that PE at ACS was never likely to have a positive impact on the sporting repertoires and participation types/levels of its male pupils either currently or in their future lives.

This thesis considers mid-20th century portrayals of working-class longshoremen’s masculinity within the context of emerging middle-class gender constructions. I argue that although popular culture presents a roughly standardized depiction of longshoremen as “manly men,” these portrayals are significantly nuanced to demonstrate the difficulties working-class men faced as they attempted to navigate socio-cultural and socio-economic shifts related to class and the performance of their male gender. Specifically, I consider depictions of longshoremen’s disruptive masculinity, male identity formation, and masculine-male growth as reactions to paradigmatic shifts in American masculinity. Using three aspects of longshoremen’s non-work lives presented in A View from the Bridge, “Edge of the City,” and “On the Waterfront”—the house, the home, and leisure/recreational activity—I ground discussions of the longshoremen’s negotiation of masculinity within a conceptual framework based in masculinity studies, social construction, and psychoanalytic criticism. To both complement and supplement the core literary and cultural analyses presented in this text, oral history interviews have been included to provide a contextual basis for understanding longshoremen culture in the 1950s.

A household survey of Helenvale Township in Port Elizabeth was conducted in order to gain an understanding of the strategies and activities that people in this poor community employ to sustain their livelihoods. The household profile, which entailed a survey of the household size, education levels and employment status was conducted. Dwelling units in terms of ownership, type, size, quality and building materials were also assessed. The income and expenditure of the Helenvale residents and community assets, as well as access to basic services were also assessed. The study found that the household size varied between 5 and 7 members. A more or less even distribution of the gender of household heads was noted, with 48 percent and 50 percent female male respectively. Among the HHs surveyed, no member had a higher qualification than Matric and quite a number were illiterate. Unemployment which stands at 54 percent was identified as the most serious problem plaguing Helenvale. A high level of home ownership (84 percent) was noted; of which 79 percent are formal dwellings and typically two-room structures of poor quality. Helenvale residents are largely dependent on child support grants as the major source of income. Casual jobs and disability grants are the other important sources of income identified. Human assets in the form of labour power are the most important assets that the community possesses. Physical assets are negligible, while financial ones are non-existent among all the respondents. Television and electric kettles are the most commonly owned appliances in the households. Basic services are readily accessible to the community, particularly water, health, refuse removal and sewage. Among the threats that the respondents identified, unemployment came to the fore as the biggest and major threat to households. Crime, teenage pregnancy and overcrowding are also considered as major threats, as are gangsterism and gambling violence. The study recommends the development of a long term plan for poverty alleviation. The creation of employment opportunities in the form of financing of small community projects which empower women and the youth is also recommended. All this should be underpinned by the expeditious delivery of housing.

There are various ways in which work can be harmful to our health. Accidents and violence on the job and exposure to noxious chemicals in factories and sealed office buildings account for substantial numbers of injuries and deaths every year. Another danger, stress affects millions of employees and costs companies millions of cash every year, but it operates in more silent and subtle way. Stress is a psychological agent that affects the health of workers, productivity, and morale worldwide. Some of the causes of stress in the workplace include work over and underload, personal and family problems, organizational design and relationships in the organization. Stress-related diseases are widespread among employees throughout the world. A national survey was conducted in the United states by a life insurance company found that nearly half of all employed adults considered their jobs to be extremely stressful. Furthermore, a major share of physical complaints may be psychosomatic, that is, actual physical disorders caused by or related to emotional factors such as stress on the job. Physical problems associated with stress include high blood pressure, ulcers, heart disease, lower back pain and cancer. Stress in the workplace is very costly to employers in terms of lower productivity, reduced motivation, and increased errors and accidents. Moderate stress is encouraged as it can help employees in achieving the goals by being productive but too much or high stress level is related to increases in turnover and counterproductive behavior, such as theft and drug and alcohol abuse.

Noticing that there are ever more popular television shows centering around the working-class, this thesis analyses the complex representations of working-class, female characters on the popular prime-time television shows 2 Broke Girls, Here Comes Honey Boo Boo, and Shameless through a mixed method, phenomenological approach focusing on a visual and textual analysis. Primarily making use of a Cultural Studies and feminist lens, I focus on deconstructing the categorical codes: body language, attire, attitude, language, interaction with others, and class comparisons that present themselves in each episode and argue that these shows’ representation follow both a dominant ideological framework and present forms of agency that illustrate how intersectional these characters are.

In recent years much criticism has been levelled at the so-called labour bias of protection in the advanced economies. A series of empirical studies have attempted to test the hypothesis that United States tariffs are designed to provide higher rates of protection for labour intensive manufacturing industries. In Canada the assumption of a labour bias has been implicit in much of the literature, but no study had previously been undertaken to collaborate this claim. Theoretical justification of the labour bias argument is found in the Samuelson-Stolper model. From this base certain measures of labour intensity and of protection were developed. Several primary factor inputs were introduced. In addition to the quantity of labour input, an attempt was made to identify qualitative differences in the labour factor. In addition, physical capital and resources were considered as important primary factors. There was some question of the relevance of some of these, particularly the physical capital and resource factors, in comparative advantage arguments concerning Canadian trade in manufactured goods. Certain conceptual problems regarding the use of "direct" versus "direct-plus-indirect" factor inputs were also involved in this part of the analysis. Two measures of protection were identified, nominal tariff rates and effective protection rates. Since the study chose to utilize only "direct" factor inputs the latter measure of protection was considered to be more relevant. Effective rates are a relatively new concept, however, and so the more common measure was also included. The results of the analysis indicated that there was, in fact, a significant labour bias in the structure of the Canadian tariff on manufactured goods. The evidence suggested that when the primary factors were combined the bias was stronger than when any one factor was considered alone relative to labour. The evidence also indicated that two primary factors, human capital (the quality of labour) and resources, relative to labour appeared to account for the bias. Unexplainably, the results pointed to a somewhat stronger relationship when nominal rates rather than effective rates were considered. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate