Syfte: Studien avser att undersöka studenters uppfattningar kring vilka behov som ligger bakom till varför studenter väljer att titta på reality-TV och hur de tolkar reality-TV som genre. Metod: Studien är en receptionsstudie med fokusgruppsintervjuer. Slutsatser: Denna studie bekräftar den föreställningen om att underhållning inom realitygenren uppfattas som enkel och lättsam TV. Resultatet från fokusgruppsundersökningen lyfter också fram reality-TV som något underhållande, utbildande och socialiserande att titta på. Reality-TV är enligt vår forskning tätt sammankopplat med en del moraliska frågetecken kring hur underhållning skapas och tittarnas tvivel kring hur verklig verkligheten egentligen är genom TV-rutan.

Syfte Denna studie syftar till att undersöka privatpersoners uppfattningar om Rosa Bandet-kampanjen. Den underliggande teorin i studien är Stuart Halls encoding/decoding-modell. De metoder som använts för undersökningen är fokusgrupper kombinerat med en kampanjanalys med utgångspunkt i Lars Palms synsätt om budskapsstrategier. Materialet som studerats är fyra olika kampanjmaterial, två filmer och två annonser, från Rosa Bandet-kampanjen mellan år 2011 och 2014. Studien är en kvalitativ mottagarstudie, vilket innebär att mottagarnas uppfattning och tolkning varit det centrala i undersökningen. Resultat Efter en inkodningsundersökning av Rosa Bandets kampanjmaterial och en avkodningsundersökning genom en fokusgrupp har studien visat att privatpersoners uppfattningar i hög grad stämmer överens med hur Rosa Bandet-kampanjen vill uppfattas.

When thinking about Stuart Hall’s theoretical legacy, ‘power’ is probably not the first term that comes to mind. Concepts like representation, racism, ethnicity, encoding/decoding, articulation, conjunctural analysis etc. more readily suggest themselves and structure our reception of his work. Yet nonetheless, when taking a closer look, his entire oeuvre may be said to be permeated, on different levels, by themes that touch upon the issue of power, not least in connection with the concepts listed above. The latent omnipresence of power in Hall’s thinking is perhaps most readily detectable on the meta-level on which he situates and positions himself as a cultural-studies scholar, and it is this level that hence will be addressed first. In the second section, Hall’s view of power on the economic, social and state levels will be considered, particularly by pointing out his indebtedness to Antonio Gramsci’s conception of hegemonic power. In an attempt to let Hall speak for himself as much as possible, the section will provide quite a few quotes, many of which will be taken from the collaboratively written Policing the Crisis, in order to shed some light on his – and his co-authors’ – ideas about power. The third section attempts a systematisation of the issues raised, particularly by integrating a Foucauldian perspective on power, which was nearly as important for Hall as the Gramscian. The last section will conclude by returning to the beginning, reconsidering Hall’s self-positioning within the power/knowledge nexus that structures the discourse of cultural studies.

In the past decades, political theory and philosophy have seen the canonization of a new conceptual difference, whose roots have been traced back to a number of thinkers, but whose main theoretical elaboration can be said to have begun with the Centre de recherches philosophiques sur le politique founded by Jean-Luc Nancy and Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe in 1980 and closed in 1984: the difference between la politique and le politique, or between ‘politics’ and ‘the political’. As Chantal Mouffe (2005a: 8f), borrowing Heidegger’s vocabulary, has pointed out, the two terms operate on different levels: whereas ‘politics’ refers to the ‘ontic’ level and designates the empirical ‘facts’ of political organization – practices, institutions, discourses, etc. – ‘the political’ implies a philosophical inquiry at the ‘ontological’ level, asking, as Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy (1981: 12) put it, about the ‘essence of the political’. While, in theorists as diverse as Alain Badiou, Jacques Rancière, Slavoj Žižek, Claude Lefort, Roberto Esposito, Ernesto Laclau, and many others – most of them located on the political left – this inquiry has yielded very different results, they all agree on the basic necessity to make this distinction between conventional politics, on the one hand, and a more profound dimension concerning the institution of the social itself, on the other. Similarly, virtually all the thinkers mentioned are in agreement as to the state of the political in the contemporary world: they all see it as in danger of being ignored, repressed or neutralized in the context of what they criticize as increasingly ‘post-political’ and ‘post-democratic’ social arrangements. This critique of today’s post-politics is a powerful and important one. In the following, I want to argue that the work of Stuart Hall to some extent shares in – in fact, anticipates, since most of the relevant theories were developed after 1989 – this critical discourse. More specifically, I will 1) bring out and discuss Hall’s critique of post-politics; 2) elaborate upon his own understanding of the political, which is implicit in this critique and elsewhere in his writings – I will argue that Hall’s thought can be considered as belonging to what the sociologist Oliver Marchart (2010) has termed ‘the moment of the political’, insofar as it is a product of and response to our ‘post-foundational condition’, emphasizing as it does conflictuality, contingency and the groundlessness of society; 3) and finally, building on this, I will briefly talk about the conclusions concerning (ontic) politics that the post-foundationalism Hall shares with most of the other theorists I have mentioned leads him to, which are very different from those arrived at by philosophers such as Badiou, Rancière or Žižek and closer – partly via the shared engagement with Gramsci – to those of Mouffe and Laclau or Lefort.

No description available.

When I first came across Stuart Hall’s engagement with Gramsci in his analysis of Margaret Thatcher’s struggle for power, I was excited by how much his theoretical framework provided new perspectives to reflect on my own experiences of social and political struggles. Here was somebody who analysed social change in its contradictory fluidity as something in the making. Not from ‘out there’, but as someone acting on it. It haunted me how valuable his approach was for understanding the unexpected outcomes and victories of social movements – not only for a better understanding of history and society, but also with a view to actively partaking in these movements and shape them. In this paper, I will demonstrate the strength of Hall’s approach for highlighting the chances of social movements to achieve their alternative goals although they fight from a position of weakness against powerful adversaries. I have been (and still am) an active part of the two movements I want to explore. First, I will discuss the success of the squatters and their allies in defending ‘their’ houses in Hamburg’s St. Pauli Hafenstraße, where I still live, in the 1980s and 90s, and, second, the current2 struggle of the refugee group ‘Lampedusa in Hamburg’ for the right to stay in Germany despite the ‘Dublin’ regulations which force refugees to stay in those countries where they first arrived. Both of these struggles had to engage with and counter stereotypical representations. Both of them, as I will show, started by addressing “immediate troubles” and led to a deeper understanding that another world is not only needed, but also possible – “an entirely new form of civilization” (Hall 1987: 21). Therefore, I think it is worthwhile to engage with them.

I denna uppsats undersöks medierapporteringen i expressen.se och aftonbladet.se under kravallerna i Husby 19-23 maj 2013, samt dagen därpå, den 24 maj 2013. Fokus ligger på olika gruppers förekomst som källor, exempelvis poliser, Husbybor och organisationen Megafonen. Uppsatsen består av en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ undersökning. Den kvantitativa delen fokuserar på vilket utrymme olika grupper får i egenskap av källor. Artiklarna har samlats in och därefter analyserats utifrån variabler som grupp, kön och citatlängd. I den kvalitativa delen undersöks på vilket sätt källorna framställs i tre utvalda texter. Dessa analyseras enligt medieforskaren Martin Conboys bok The Language of the News. Resultatet jämförs sedan med tidigare forskning och analyseras enligt teorierna om skillnader och ”den andre” av sociologen Stuart Hall. Resultaten visar att poliser och andra myndigheter står för en majoritet av källorna, både räknat i antal källor och citatmängd. Husbybor förekommer i liten utsträckning, och Megafonen förekommer knappt alls som källa. I de fall då Husbybor förekommer är det koncentrerat till ett litet antal artiklar. Den kvalitativa studien visar att texterna har en viss attityd till de olika grupperna, exempelvis förekommer poliserna som källa till fakta utan att ifrågasättas. Det finns en variation i vilken attityd som syns till de olika grupperna. Resultatet stämmer väl överens med tidigare forskning på området. Tolkat enligt Halls teorier kan konstateras att representanter för det svenska samhället här får makten att dominera över Husbyborna i framställningen av Husby och att ingen märkbar förändring har skett sen tidigare.

Submitted by Roberth Novaes (roberth.novaes@live.com) on 2018-07-13T18:37:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TELLES, Osny André Pedreira. O campo minado da cultura. 2014 (Dissertação Completa).pdf: 717270 bytes, checksum: 887d25412a9a2aa761c1b1b15071c5dd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Setor de Periódicos (per_macedocosta@ufba.br) on 2018-07-16T20:15:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TELLES, Osny André Pedreira. O campo minado da cultura. 2014 (Dissertação Completa).pdf: 717270 bytes, checksum: 887d25412a9a2aa761c1b1b15071c5dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-16T20:15:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TELLES, Osny André Pedreira. O campo minado da cultura. 2014 (Dissertação Completa).pdf: 717270 bytes, checksum: 887d25412a9a2aa761c1b1b15071c5dd (MD5) / Estudo que propõe a interpretação da noção de cultura como uma instância discursiva media-dora entre a Antropologia e os Estudos Culturais. Tomando a periodização estabelecida por Silviano Santiago em “A democratização do Brasil (1979-1981): cultura versus arte”, o traba-lho procura investigar discursos produzidos em torno da ideia de cultura, bem como a revisão de paradigmas promovida a partir desse período, mapeando textos referenciais para a compre-ensão das principais questões postas em debate no campo das Ciências Humanas. / The purpose of this study is to interpretate the concept of culture as a discourse formation which mediates Anthropology and Cultural Studies. This work also aims to investi-gate, according to the parameters of periodization proposed by Silviano Santiago in his essay entitled “Brazil´s democratization (1979-1981): culture versus art”: a) discourses about the concept of culture; b) revisions of paradigms occurred since 1979, in Brazil; c) the main questions formulated by Human Sciences through a mapping of reference texts.

Noticing that there are ever more popular television shows centering around the working-class, this thesis analyses the complex representations of working-class, female characters on the popular prime-time television shows 2 Broke Girls, Here Comes Honey Boo Boo, and Shameless through a mixed method, phenomenological approach focusing on a visual and textual analysis. Primarily making use of a Cultural Studies and feminist lens, I focus on deconstructing the categorical codes: body language, attire, attitude, language, interaction with others, and class comparisons that present themselves in each episode and argue that these shows’ representation follow both a dominant ideological framework and present forms of agency that illustrate how intersectional these characters are.

Studien ämnade analysera uttrycken för en malmöitisk identitet på Instagram-kontot Memesofmalmö samt vilka idéer som dessa grundar sig på vad det gäller Malmö som stad och människorna som bor där. Detta genomfördes genom att applicera ett teoretiskt ramverk som främst utformades utifrån Stuart Halls representations teori och definition av stereotyper och praktiken av stereotypisering. Det teoretiska ramverket har också utgjorts av begreppen ideologi, hegemoni och diskurs i relation till representation. Teorierna tillämpades med hjälp av en ideologikritisk textanalys bestående av ett urval på 50 inlägg. Resultatet av studien visade att det underliggande betydelserna i representationen gav uttryck för en kritisk hållning gentemot en etablerad negativ stereotyp. Detta tog sig uttryck i representationen genom att materialet reproducerade den etablerade stereotypen och satte den i nya kontexter. Genom detta omförhandlade betydelserna för stereotypen. Allt detta pekar på att humoristiska internet-memes inte bara ska ses som enkla skämt, utan de är en form av social och ideologisk produktion. / The study aimed to understand how established stereotypes of the collective identity of Malmö influences the Instagram account MemesofMalmö, along with how the representation of Malmö is based on the inhabitants and the city itself. The theoretical framework used was based on Stuart Hall’s representation theory and understanding of stereotyping. Furthermore, part of the theoretical framework has been the investigation of ideology, hegemony, and discourse concerning representation. The theories were implemented using text analysis, applying a critical ideological perspective, based on a selection of 50 posts. The result indicated that the underlying message in the representation expressed a critical attitude towards an established negative stereotype. It was conveyed by the material taking the present stereotyping and reproducing it in new contexts, which renegotiated the values for the stereotype. In conclusion, the evidence points to the fact that humoristic internet memes should not purely be viewed as simple jokes, but as a form of social and ideological output.