Dramaturgias da autonomia é um estudo de grupos de trabalhadores na região metropolitana de São Paulo que vivem a experiência da disputa sobre o poder de determinar a norma nos locais de trabalho. Parte-se de uma definição de autonomia que requer enraizá-la no processo de formação da classe trabalhadora, e de uma identidade de classe que se constrói em contraposição à experiência do trabalho heterônomo. Na busca da compreensão dos sentidos de autonomia para os próprios sujeitos trabalhadores, utilizou-se uma metodologia baseada na rememoração da trajetória e na sua representação para o vídeo, o que foi realizado em cada um dos quatro grupos estudados. Os sujeitos tematizaram a questão a partir de suas formas próprias, que são, de uma só vez, categorias e instituições: “comissão de fábrica", “cooperativa", “autogestão", “movimento". Analisou-se, assim, processos de institucionalização de representações que são simbólicas e políticas. / Dramaturgies of autonomy is a study among workers groups in the São Paulo metropolitan region who live the power dispute experience to define the rules on the workplaces. It starts from the autonomy definition that requires to be rooted in the working class formation process and from a class identity statement that is build up in contrast to the experience of a heteronomous work. In the searching of the autonomy meanings for the workers themselves it was used a methodology based in the trajectory reminding in the four studied groups and in their performance to the video. The studied subjects describe the issue from their own concepts that are, at the same time, their categories and institutions: “shop stewards", “cooperatives", “self management", “movement". The analysis concerns the institutionalization processes, from symbolical and political representations.

劉繼同. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 192-217) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Liu Jitong. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 192-217) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-25T11:55:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Diogo Joaquim dos Santos.pdf: 1844724 bytes, checksum: b7fb4209f196be6e36c4e2c53a57cffb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-25T11:55:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diogo Joaquim dos Santos.pdf: 1844724 bytes, checksum: b7fb4209f196be6e36c4e2c53a57cffb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In this Master's thesis I aimed to understand the social struggles of black women and men of working class, especially with regard to the organizational forms of struggle and resistance against discrimination in the labor market. For this purpose, I get into first chapter on the debate about particularity and universality, in order to highlight, then the forms of resistance against racism, discussing the aspect of consciousness and ideology. In the second part of the dissertation, I retrieved the history of racism, relating it to the history of class societies, in order to point out the social and historical construction of the concept of 'race' in the face of changes in modes of production that rendered capitalism globally. Therefore, the 'racial' ideas here appear as classist and racist inventions themselves to the development of bourgeois relations of production. In turn, the known 'racial question', designed decoupled and independent of the social question, emerges as an aspect of dispersion of class perspective, being necessary to question their assumptions. Among them, an essential debate is understood, that is, as the Brazilian case, about the lucubrations about 'miscegenation' and 'social mobility'. In the last chapter, therefore, I discuss the social reality and the central aspects of social struggles of black women and men of working class, some demands and perspectives of struggle, passing the post-abolition period, the context of structural crisis of capital and resumption of neoconservative policies that are proposed as means of 'combat' racism, but aimed at underpinning the co-optation of social movements around formal and insignificant guarantees. In general, the conclusions expressed the view that strengthening the resistance of those individuals is central to the struggle for human emancipation, and has the assumption to overcome the fragmentation in which they are / Nesta dissertação de mestrado, busquei compreender as lutas sociais das negras e dos negros da classe trabalhadora, especialmente no que diz respeito às formas de organização e resistência contra a discriminação no mercado de trabalho. Para tanto, adentro no primeiro capítulo o debate sobre a particularidade e a universalidade, a fim de colocar em evidência, em seguida, as formas de resistência contra o racismo, problematizando o aspecto da consciência e da ideologia. Na segunda parte da dissertação, resgatei a história do racismo, relacionando-a com a história das sociedades de classes, a fim de apontar a construção sócio-histórica da noção de 'raça' frente às transformações nos modos de produção que assentaram o capitalismo em nível global. Portanto, as ideias 'raciais' aqui aparecem como invenções classistas e racistas, próprias ao desenvolvimento das relações burguesas de produção. Por seu turno, a chamada questão 'racial', concebida de modo dissociado e autônomo da questão social, emerge como aspecto de dispersão da perspectiva de classe, sendo necessário questionar seus pressupostos. Entre eles, um debate essencial é elucidado, qual seja, quanto ao caso brasileiro, acerca das elucubrações sobre a 'mestiçagem' e a 'ascensão social'. No último capítulo, desse modo, discuto a realidade social e os aspectos centrais das lutas sociais das negras e dos negros da classe trabalhadora, algumas demandas e perspectivas de luta, perpassando o período pós-abolição, o contexto de crise estrutural do capital e a retomada de políticas neoconservadoras que se propõem como meios de „combate‟ ao racismo, mas que visam alicerçar a cooptação dos movimentos sociais em torno de garantias formais e irrisórias. De modo geral, as conclusões exprimiram a ideia de que o fortalecimento da resistência daqueles indivíduos é um aspecto central para a luta pela emancipação humana, a qual tem por pressuposto a superação da fragmentação em que se encontram

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-22T18:33:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eribelto Peres Castilho.pdf: 16115141 bytes, checksum: b52d97ca6f66a99f11541e401a5fa046 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-22T18:33:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eribelto Peres Castilho.pdf: 16115141 bytes, checksum: b52d97ca6f66a99f11541e401a5fa046 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study aims to provide a critical analysis of the image, of the opposition, defeats, struggles and victories usual in the working class life during the period of 1975 to 1981, pictured in the pages of Movimento newspaper. The timeline proposed in our study – that cover the period that Movimento was published (1975-1981) – can be considered one of the most significant in Brazil’s recent history. The 1970’s and beginning of the 1980’s represent a moment of intense and profound social contradictions, resulting in changes in the country’s cultural, political and economical panorama. This period is marked (acknowledged) by the vigorous and acute reemerging of the working class in the social scenario. And as a sign of resistance and struggle the targeted their actions against the cut down, exploration and autocracy, therefore demonstrating, to everyone’s surprise, that they were not asleep, as they never had been even during the terrible years of the dictatorship. These years of important social changes are an adequate and essencial period for the understanding of the working class unique and shared experiences / O objetivo deste trabalho consiste na análise imanente do retrato, corporificado nas páginas do jornal Movimento, das lutas, resistências, derrotas e vitórias cotidianas dos trabalhadores brasileiros, e demais movimentos populares, frente à superexploração de sua força de trabalho, frente à fome, desnutrição e criminalização de seus filhos, frente à miséria social infligida pela plataforma econômica da autocracia burguesa brasileira em sua forma bonapartista, especialmente entre os anos de 1975 e 1981. O recorte temporal proposto em nossa análise – que recobre os anos das datas-limites da publicação do semanário Movimento (1975-1981) – constitui um dos mais significativos períodos da recente história brasileira. A década de 1970 e início dos anos 1980 representam um momento de intensas e profundas contradições sociais, fecundo em transformações no metabolismo cultural, político e econômico do país. Época marcada, sobretudo, pela ação vigorosa e pujante da classe trabalhadora no cenário social, pautando sua atuação nos marcos da resistência e luta contra o arrocho, superexploração e autocracia, demonstrou, para a surpresa de muitos, que não estava dormindo, como nunca esteve nos terríveis anos de ditadura. Esses anos constituem, portanto, um período adequado de mudanças sociais, condição imprescindível a uma efetiva apreensão das experiências compartilhadas da classe trabalhadora, dessa “relação histórica” particular

“Sovereignty in the City” contributes to the historiography of African-American and African Diasporic life an account of how twentieth century black migrant communities’ practices and politics around place shaped the social geography of Philadelphia—a primary testing ground for urban policies, sociological and historical inquiry, and social experiments of reform up through the twenty-first century. The manuscript charts a history of alternative land stewardship and governance in Philadelphia’s black working class communities from 1941 to 1991, which I set in contrast with the urbicidal practices of reformers who worked to enhance the profitability of the region at the expense of black and working class neighborhoods and communities. I name these two very different visions of social affiliation and obligation sanitized citizenship and black vitality respectively. Building on methods and practices that Progressive social reformers, eugenicists, and sociologists co-produced, local housing reformers sought to enforce the normative patriarchal family as the ideal of health and order. This in turn, shaped their assessment of black migrants as potential vectors of biological and social contagion and justified segregation before federal policy insured it. On the other hand, from the margins black working class communities articulated new modes of sociality from within cordoned-off communities, which they refitted to the metropolis from their collective history in the agrarian and mill town South. Although otherworldliness and the tendency to participate in non-normative or queer social affiliations outside the home, often marked working class black migrant communities as criminal or odd, being out of time with the logics of patriarchy and racial capitalism also represented an important, if underappreciated, basis for envisioning a different city and world. In place of dominant conceptions of the normative family as an anchor of orderly governance and investment, black migrant communities re-imagined human belonging and practiced new modes of radical inclusivity in the city. I make the case for a landscape approach to black history, there and in the wider diaspora, in order to bring the methods developed by social, environmental, and architectural historians as well as geographers, to bear in excavating histories of black social activism, in turn, elaborating an idiom of urban ecology in which practices of place and belonging, which are often dismissed or invisible, call into question the notions of urban life and health organized around the individual and the normative patriarchal family.

This thesis explores the politics and consequences of road construction for local populations and migrant road workers in Ladakh. Through a political ecology framework, I consider road construction as the transformation of an environment in which different agents act through specific socio-political arrangements and for purposes that are socially and culturally mediated. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in remote villages and among groups of Nepali and Jharkhandi road workers in Ladakh, the thesis documents the case of the Zanskar Highway, a 292 km long trans- Himalayan road that has been under construction since the 1970s. It analyses the reasons why states build roads, nationally and more specifically in the contested landscape of Ladakh; why people want roads; how people negotiate roads and their trajectory; and what the consequences of roads and road construction are in terms of mobility, isolation, resource use, livelihoods and well-being. In the thesis, I question the roads-development nexus, and argue that the reasons why states build roads are extremely diverse and have changed over time. I argue that road construction is a highly political process determined by conflicting motivations and perceptions. I also argue that the consequences of roads are complex, often ambiguous and region-specific, and that gains and losses that occur because of roads and their construction are unequally distributed, within and between local and migrant populations. The research makes an original contribution to road studies by studying the political, socio-economic and symbolic consequences of both roads and the process of their construction for the populations that live near new roads and those who build them. It also links ex-ante with ex-post road studies by looking at what happens during the process of construction. Finally, it contributes to Ladakh studies by documenting the history of road construction in the region and providing the first study of migrants in Ladakh.

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1980. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves 77-81. / by Deborah Kay Jordan. / M.C.P.

No description available.

Pretendemos neste trabalho reconstruir a obra de Max Horkheimer e suas considerações sobre o destino da classe operária no século XX. Para isso, escolhemos o período entre 1930 e 1945. Nosso objetivo é mostrar como as diversas transformações sociais e históricas em que o proletariado esteve em meio foram vistas com cuidado por Horkheimer. O que mais chama atenção no período analisado é a derrota do movimento operário organizado e a ascensão dos movimentos fascistas em grande parte da Europa. O marxismo da época teve de repensar sua teoria para dar conta desses acontecimentos. Tendo em vista esse panorama, Horkheimer trouxe importantes contribuições para a renovação do marxismo e da teoria social, ao retrabalhar temas como consciência de classe, ideologia, reificação e domínio de classe. / In this dissertation, we intend reconstruct the work of Max Horkheimer and his considerations about the working class destiny in 20th century. For that we have chosen the period between 1930 and 1945 Our goal is to show how the different social and historical changes, in which the proletariat had been amidst, had been viewed carefully by Horkheimer. What calls attention in this period is the working class organized movements defeat and the fascist movements rise in Europe. The Marxism of the time had to rethink its theory to understand this occurrence. In this context, Horkheimer brought important contributions to the renovation of Marxism and social theory with his reflections about class consciousness, ideology, reification and class dominance.

A presente pesquisa aborda a educação brasileira frente ao processo de modernização da sociedade. Seu objeto de estudo consiste, especificamente, na dimensão ocupada pela educação escolar quanto à formação da classe operária nacional durante o governo Vargas (1930-1945). Tratando-se de um período que condiz com mudanças observadas nas esferas política, econômica e social do país, faz-se necessária uma abordagem do contexto histórico que enfatize as propostas e ações desempenhadas na esfera educacional. Considera-se, dessa forma, que a educação escolar deve ser analisada conjuntamente com aqueles fatores que implicam em sua organização e dinâmica. Sua realização está baseada em literatura acerca da relação entre Estado, sociedade e educação, após a proclamação da República e, mais especificamente, nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. Recorreu-se também à análise de documentos oficiais da época concernentes à educação e à criação e regulamentação de instituições, como os textos relativos às reformas educacionais promulgadas em 1931 e em 1942 e às Constituições (1934 e 1937), ao Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova (1932), à Escola Livre de Sociologia e Política de São Paulo (1933) e à Fundação Getúlio Vargas (1944). Destaca-se, o papel exercido pelo Estado como agente capaz de promover o projeto de modernização por, além da sua intervenção em diferentes esferas da sociedade, promover outra formação escolar à sociedade para consolidar a ordem social emergente. A adequação do ensino às novas necessidades é apontada pelo esforço para organizá-lo nacionalmente a partir da criação do Ministério da Educação e Saúde Pública e das reformas por ele executadas em seus diferentes níveis. Se, por um lado, exigia-se a formação de uma classe trabalhadora apta à produção sob a lógica racional do trabalho, por outro, havia a preocupação com a formação de uma classe dirigente capacitada para conduzir e coordenar as ações econômicas, além de ocupar altos cargos hierárquicos na burocracia privada e estatal. / This research deals with the Brazilian education on the process of modernization of society. Its subject matter is specifically in the occupied dimension for school education for the formation of national working class during the Vargas government (1930-1945). Since this is a period that is consistent with the observed changes in the political, economic and social of the country, an approach that emphasizes the historical context the proposals and actions taken in the educational sphere is required. It is considered therefore that school education should be analyzed together with factors that imply their organization and dynamics. Its realization is based on literature about the relationship between state, society and education, after the proclamation of the Republic and , more specifically , in the 1930s and 1940s it was also resorted to analysis of official documents of the time pertaining to education and the creation and regulatory institutions such as the texts relating to educational reforms enacted in 1931 and 1942 and the Constitutions (1934 and 1937) , the Manifesto of the Pioneers of the New Education ( 1932) , the Free School of Sociology and Politics of São Paulo (1933 ) and the Getúlio Vargas Foundation ( 1944) . To highlight the role played by the State as agent capable of promoting the modernization project, as well as their involvement in different spheres of society, promote other school education to society for the emerging social order. Better education adapting to new needs is appointed by the effort to organize it at national level since the creation of the Ministry of Education and Public Health and reforms implemented at different levels. On the one hand, demanded the formation of a working class capable of producing under the rational logic of the work, on the other, there was the concern with the formation of a ruling class able to lead and coordinate the economic actions, and have high hierarchical bureaucracy positions private and state.