Issued also as thesis, Institut für Gesellschaftswissenschaften, Berlin. / Bibliographical references included in "Anmerkungs-und Quellenverzeichnis" (p. 239-250). Also issued online.

This thesis focuses on one of the most appreciated products of the Turkish Television, the TV Series&#039 / production and labor process. Starting from the fact that the production side of this highly attention gathering media product hasn&#039 / t received too much academic concern, by analyzing the workers of the sector, this point is tried to be illuminated. This thesis that analyzes TV series&#039 / working conditions in the perspective of &ldquo / precarious employment&rdquo / departing from this framework, argues the workers of the industry are fragmented into two groups, &ldquo / creative&rdquo / and &ldquo / technical&rdquo / workers. In this context it indicates the creative workers not only as not being affected from the precarious employment conditions too much but also as the executor of the technical workers&#039 / experience of precariousness in the production level.

During the recent years in Turkey, the word &ldquo / apache&rdquo / had taken its place in Turkish popular culture as a pejorative word that is used to label a group of slum-dweller, working class youth. Those young people are distinguished through their visual styles, music consumption, and everyday activities that form a subculture. This thesis, firstly, is an attempt to understand the material, social and cultural circumstances which produce this subculture. Secondly, the thesis seeks to analyze the cultural reflections of these circumstances into the subculture that is emerging. As an attempt to understand that process, a four months media survey and a ten months field research with in-depth interviews and participant observation was conducted with the members of this subculture in Ankara-Turkey. As a result of the media survey and the field research it was observed that the most dominant factor that leads to/produces this subculture is the precarious working conditions that these youths are embedded. The members of that subculture are composed of the young members of the working class who enter into labor market under the &lsquo / internalized&rsquo / conditions of precarity. They consistently, experience employment under the precarious working conditions and unemployment. Therefore, they occupy a liminal and marginalized position in which they neither articulate to their class position nor depart from it. Their ambiguous position in the relations of production redounds on their cultural practices. They create a subculture both through the mediation of their socio-economically obscure position and as a cultural response to it. They seek to construct a new position through the survival strategies and daily tactics in the realm of cultural practices / through a subculture in which they can define and situate themselves within the bounds of possibilities of their material conditions. However, this subculture also constitutes a continuum with their material conditions and consolidates their liminality. They are labeled as Apaches in that subculture and experience a similar kind of a marginalization with their counterpart precarious youth in all around the world. This thesis examines that subculture in which the cultural reflections of young people to precarity became concrete.

Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.

This study deals with how the subjects Gardening, Handicraft, Domestic Science and Temperance Instruction were introduced and developed in elementary school (compulsory school) in Sweden during the period 1842-1919. During this same period a capitalist mode of production replaced the feudal one with consequent changes in home life for the people. The school subjects dealt with have been selected to throw light on whether and to what extent the elementary school was used to bring about a reorganization in the lives of wage earner families.The official argument, curricula and school enquiries have been examined. Teaching content in relation to workers' family conditions has been studied in the parish of Skön in the sawmill region of northern Sweden.The main official argument was that the miserable conditions of working class life were caused just as much by ignorant housewives and drunken fathers as by low wages and poor housing. The cure was therefore seen to lie in education, and the introduction of the subjects in question can be seen in the light of this.The study shows how the state gradually took over more and more of the responsibility for child upbringing, and how the schools of the sawmill companies played a part in this process. The results, however, indicate that the actual effect of elementary school teaching on the home lives of sawmill workers was insignificant. Working class poverty was ol course caused primarily by economic and structural factors, but defining the problems in pedagogical terms meant that responsibility could be apportioned at an individual level - and thereby the bourgeoisie reaped considerable ideological profits.Key word: history of education, Swedish compulsory school, Gardening, Handicraft, Domestic Science, Temperance Instruction, working class family, sawmill region. / digitalisering@umu

Since the industrial revolution, work and family have been viewed as separate spheres, with women relegated to the family sphere. With the advent of women into the paid labor force, few studies have considered the potentially complex context of women's work and family experiences. The purpose of this study was to examine the impact of family structure, occupational status, and workplace relationships on women workers' perceptions of stress. The sample for this study included 379 women dental assistants and hygienists who responded to mailed questionnaires sent to the dental offices where they worked. The dependent variables used in this analysis were mental stress, physical stress, and four social stress items. Analysis of variance was performed for the family structure groups on physical, mental, and social stress items. Single parents and parents in general were especially stressed in terms of financial stress and marital stress. The second series of analyses included t-tests on stress by occupation. Dental assistants had more financial stress than hygienists. Hygienists had more mental stress than assistants. Workplace relationships were assessed in the full regression models. Frequency of talking with fellow workers was strongly and positively associated with financial problems. The full regression models supported the findings in earlier analyses that tensions from children and financial problems were associated with the presence of children in the home. The findings in this study suggest that for women workers, work and family do not occupy separate spheres. Women workers think about family matters at the workplace and discuss them with their other women workers. Further research needs to focus on women workers, especially those in traditionally female occupations, and the work and family connections for these workers. / Graduation date: 1992

The allotments scheme was a complex and diverse social, political, and economic movement that provided the labouring classes with small plots of land, usually no larger than one-eighth of an acre, on which to grow vegetables. From the late nineteenth century to the end of the First World War in 1918, the East End of London experienced an overwhelming increase in allotment cultivation and provision. Working-class men in the boroughs of Hackney, Poplar, East Ham, and West Ham participated in the allotments scheme for a variety of reasons. Allotments were places in which a working man could grow his own food with his familys help to supplement low, casual or seasonal wages, and his gardening kept him out of the pub and on the land. During the war period, food prices increased to intolerable levels in the East End so that the allotment was one of the few ways to reasonably feed the family, especially for the casual dockers. East Enders maintained personal and collective connections to the land that they had lost both through the Enclosure Acts of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the urban sprawl of the early twentieth century. Finally, allotment gardening provided the healthy leisure activities of exercise, horticultural education, and civic participation. </p><p>The allotment was embedded in a social ethic that espoused industriousness, sobriety, respectability, and independence and in this way was a middle class solution to a working class problem. Yet, working men adopted the scheme as their own with enthusiasm and dedication and created natural spaces in the degraded landscape of the East End. By 1916, with the passage of the Cultivation of Lands Order, the East End boasted thousands of allotments growing vegetables on Londons vacant lots largely due to the persistent demands of residents on their local borough councils. The allotment association provided East End men with an unparalleled opportunity for grassroots political participation and gave way to a marked increase in working-class political awareness during the period. East Enders gained a foothold in local, regional, metropolitan, and later national politics for the first time in decades. The allotment in the East End also significantly changed the environment in which it was situated. The green space improved the esthetic of the area, adding to the general well-being of all of the boroughs citizens. East End allotments brought life to an area that many believed was lifeless. Not only did working men prove they could bring their sooty surroundings to life, but that they could also bring back to life the long-latent self-sufficiency of their ancestors. They were attracted to the scheme at a higher rate than many of the other 28 London boroughs because of their poverty, their maintained connection to green space, their cultural and political interest in land, and their profound sense of the loss of the land and the independence it brought.

Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.

The allotments scheme was a complex and diverse social, political, and economic movement that provided the labouring classes with small plots of land, usually no larger than one-eighth of an acre, on which to grow vegetables. From the late nineteenth century to the end of the First World War in 1918, the East End of London experienced an overwhelming increase in allotment cultivation and provision. Working-class men in the boroughs of Hackney, Poplar, East Ham, and West Ham participated in the allotments scheme for a variety of reasons. Allotments were places in which a working man could grow his own food with his familys help to supplement low, casual or seasonal wages, and his gardening kept him out of the pub and on the land. During the war period, food prices increased to intolerable levels in the East End so that the allotment was one of the few ways to reasonably feed the family, especially for the casual dockers. East Enders maintained personal and collective connections to the land that they had lost both through the Enclosure Acts of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the urban sprawl of the early twentieth century. Finally, allotment gardening provided the healthy leisure activities of exercise, horticultural education, and civic participation. </p><p>The allotment was embedded in a social ethic that espoused industriousness, sobriety, respectability, and independence and in this way was a middle class solution to a working class problem. Yet, working men adopted the scheme as their own with enthusiasm and dedication and created natural spaces in the degraded landscape of the East End. By 1916, with the passage of the Cultivation of Lands Order, the East End boasted thousands of allotments growing vegetables on Londons vacant lots largely due to the persistent demands of residents on their local borough councils. The allotment association provided East End men with an unparalleled opportunity for grassroots political participation and gave way to a marked increase in working-class political awareness during the period. East Enders gained a foothold in local, regional, metropolitan, and later national politics for the first time in decades. The allotment in the East End also significantly changed the environment in which it was situated. The green space improved the esthetic of the area, adding to the general well-being of all of the boroughs citizens. East End allotments brought life to an area that many believed was lifeless. Not only did working men prove they could bring their sooty surroundings to life, but that they could also bring back to life the long-latent self-sufficiency of their ancestors. They were attracted to the scheme at a higher rate than many of the other 28 London boroughs because of their poverty, their maintained connection to green space, their cultural and political interest in land, and their profound sense of the loss of the land and the independence it brought.

This is a study about children’s welfare and the Child Care Board way of working in Malmö city. We decided to make this a narrative and document analyses where the main focus have been the interactions between human beings, which means everything from the interaction between parents and child as well as the interaction between families and society. We wanted to investigate any possible alterations within the working system between 1931–1940. Our analysis showed that there hasn’t been a big change with the Swedish legislation. There had however been a slight change in the reasons as to why parents and society got in touch with Social services and reported any mistreatment in the families. There were many people especially from the lower working class that couldn’t afford proper apartments or provide child care for their children. This was the main reason for them to apply to the Child Care Board. Many young single mothers who didn’t have any family to care for them applied to join their infants at the protective homes, this was a special home which was often used as a nursery if the children’s parents where at hospital or for some other reason couldn’t care for them. If Social services found the home situation as bad as to impede the Child development, the secure homes would be used as a safe place until a suitable foster home could be found. The closer we got to the 1940s we saw that the reasoning behind society applying to Social services where mostly illness within the family. Tuberculosis had Malmö in an iron fist and both adults and children got the dreaded disease. The World War II started in 1939 which also automatically forced the male population leave their homes, wives and children. This caused problems within the individual families. It meant that a lot of mothers now had to start working in order to support the rest of the family until their husbands returned home. For many of them the only way to survive during time was to allow the children to be taken into foster care.