In this paper I explore the causal relationship between the strategic economic interdependence advanced by Western democracies after WWII and the "puzzle of participation" in US presidential elections. More specifically, I seek to illustrate first how economic convergence within the West and then the transition from Keynesian to monetarist policy rhetoric reflexively diminish the degree to which US working class voters can realistically petition their elected officials regarding the most salient matters of economic self-interest. My results indicate that from 1948-2004, the working public became more isolated from their most salient economic decisions, voted less often due to heretofore unexplored macroeconomic indicators.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Education, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Education. / With the rise of the independent trade union movement since 1973, immense importance has been attached to worker education. The growth of the union movement created the space and provided the resources for workers to assert an independent cultural practice in which worker education plays pivotal role. Intense debate has raged within the union movement over the content, of this education, the way it is to be provided, who the recipients should be and whether it fulfils its perceived aim. There exists general consensus though that worker education has been integral to the development of the labour movement. Yet, there is no comprehensive study of worker education in South Africa. Such a study is even more necessary today as attempts are made to address the historical deficiencies in the South African education system, This report therefore is a small contribution toward understanding worker education and the importance of its role not only for the Labour: movement but for society at large. (Abbreviation abstract) / Andrew Chakane 2019

This report is concerned with unpacking the influential yet misunderstood “workerist” phenomenon that dominated the major independent (mostly black) trade unions born in the wake of the 1973 Durban strikes. “Workerism” is widely recognized as being concentrated in the Federation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu). Workerism remains a source of much controversy in labour and left circles; this is due to the massive influence it commanded within the with black working class in its brief heyday, and the formidable challenge it presents to the legitimacy of nationalist movements and narratives attempting (then and now) to stake claims on the leadership of the liberation struggle. This controversy has yet to be resolved: both popular and scholarly attempts to theorise its politics are marked by demonstrable inconsistencies and inaccuracies, often reproducing existing polemical narratives that conceal more than they reveal. This paper contributes to that debate by deepening our understanding of the core politics of the important workerist phenomenon – through an examination of primary documents and interviews with key workerist leaders. I argue that workerism was a distinctive, mass-based and coherent multiracial current, hegemonic in the black trade unions but spilling into the broader anti-apartheid movement in the 1970s and 1980s. It stressed class struggle, non-racialism, anti-capitalism, worker selfactivity and union democracy, and was fundamentally concerned with the national liberation of the oppressed black majority. However, it distanced itself from the established traditions of mainstream Marxism and Congress nationalism – coming to a quasi-syndicalist1 position on many crucial questions, although this ran alongside a far more cautious “stream”, akin to social democracy. It fashioned a radical approach to national liberation that combined anticapitalism with anti-nationalism on a programme that placed trade unions (not parties) centrestage – a notable characteristic that made it the object of much suspicion and hostility. In the longer term, workerists developed a two-pronged strategy. This centred on, first, “building up a huge, strong movement in the factories” – strategically positioned at key loci of power in the economy (key sectors, plants and regions), with a view to “pushing back the frontiers of control”; second, it incorporated an extensive programme of popular education to ignite the growth of a “counter-hegemonic” working class politics, consciousness, identity and culture, thereby “ring-fencing workers from the broader nationalist history of our country” and continent. Right at the epicentre of this radical project was the creation of a conscious, accountable and active (in workplaces and communities) layer of worker leaders or “organic intellectuals”. I contend that a simple conflation of workerism with a form of Marxism, although prevalent in the literature, is misleading and inaccurate. Rather, workerism cannot be understood unless in relation to the far more eclectic and varied international New Left – through which it drew influence (direct and indirect) from a variety of sources, including revolutionary libertarian currents like anarchism, syndicalism and council communism, as well as others such as social democracy, and dissident forms of Marxism. But the unhappy co-existence of these contradictory tendencies (quasi-syndicalism and social democracy) interacted with a New Left-inspired, at times anti-theoretical, pragmatism to leave workerism weakened - hampered by inconsistencies and contradictions, expressed in ambivalent actions that were at once libertarian and more statist, revolutionary and reformist, spontaneous and premeditated, “boycottist” and “engagist”. This left a vacuum in the liberation struggle, paving a way for the resurgence of nationalism under ANC leadership. 1 Here I refer to the historical tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism, not the so-called “Leninist critique”.

Abstract This dissertation is a study of social reproduction in different classes of migrant households in Emnambithi, a town in northern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. It traces the history of households in this community under the impact of racialised dispossession and migration, and illustrates how households were stratified into distinct classes. The three classes identified are a semi-professional, educated class, a migratory working class, and the marginalised, a segment of the “bantustan” population who never had the possibility of working in the capitalist economy during apartheid. The research then focuses on the gendered nature of social reproduction in households in the post-apartheid era, when this community continues to be shaped by migration. The research illustrates that class-based advantage and disadvantage are reproduced in post-apartheid South Africa. The dissertation analyses the different ways in which household members – predominantly migrant and resident women – deal with daily provisioning and consumption, education and care of the dependants of migrants in the absence of some members of the household. The study argues that social reproduction varies significantly in different classes of households. The class-based and gendered nature of social reproduction has implications for an understanding of developmental needs in post-apartheid South Africa, and this research opens up ways in which job creation and social policies could lead to class-based redress and gender equity.

This essay is about classhabitus. It concerns No1Tbottnic railway navvies and other working­class families lifestyle and revealed preferences. Gender and class is seen as important in order to explain gender relations concerning division of labour, childcare and the function of homes. The results show that railway navvies had a clear view concerning appropriate tasks for men and women to perform. The same is true for other working-class families, although they had a more equal view on this. Railway navvies had often bad relations with people outside the family. The children of navvies had a lot of work to perform and these tasks were gender coded. Other workning-class children tasks were more flexible concerning these codes. Living conditions in the homes were generally bad although it was seen as important to arrange things as good as possible.

Esta tese se propôs a pesquisar a reprodução social da classe trabalhadora na periferia da metrópole soteropolitana. O objetivo era compreender, no bojo do processo de modernização capitalista, o relacionamento entre as formas sociais de reprodução com as práticas da classe trabalhadora a partir de duas dimensões específicas: a do habitar e a do trabalho. Para tanto, buscamos dialogar com duas abordagens teóricas: a marxista de Henri Léfèbvre e a da resistência de Michel de Certeau. Este trabalho se compõe de cinco capítulos, além da introdução e considerações finais. No primeiro apresentamos nosso referencial teórico-metodológico. No segundo e terceiro capítulos são descritas as formas e práticas de reprodução da classe trabalhadora, respectivamente, nos níveis espaciais da cidade e do bairro. O quarto capítulo é o dedicado à análise formal do objeto. Enquanto no quinto a análise é de caráter dialético. Concluímos que parte significativa da reprodução da classe trabalhadora na periferia ocorre através de formas e práticas derivadas da escravidão, porque é uma condição necessária e contraditória da modernização capitalista típica em nossa formação social. / This thesis set out to investigate the social reproduction of working class in the outskirts of the city of Salvador. The goal was to understand in the middle of the process of capitalist modernization, the relationship between social forms of reproduction with the practices of the working class through two specific dimensions: that of dwelling and of the work. To do so, we tried to dialogue with two theoretical approaches: the Marxist of Henri Lefebvre and the resistance of Michel de Certeau. This work consists of five chapters, plus introduction and closing remarks. At first we present our theoretical method. In the second and third chapters the forms and practices of reproduction of the working class are describing, respectively, in the space levels of the city and neighborhood. The fourth chapter is devoted to formal analysis of the object. While in the fifth analysis is dialectical. We conclude that a significant proportion of the reproduction of the working class in the outskirts occurs through forms and practices derived from slavery because it is a necessary and contradictory condition of the typical capitalist modernization in our social formation.

Este trabalho visa a apresentar um estudo investigativo do processo de construção e desconstrução das representações da infância da classe trabalhadora na literatura infantil e juvenil inglesa e brasileira. Para tanto, estabelecemos, a priori, no Capítulo I, as bases conceituais de nosso trabalho, bem como tratamos das esferas culturais, econômicas, políticas, ideológicas que propiciaram o surgimento do conceito de infância da classe operária durante a Revolução Industrial, e investigamos de que forma interesses de formação da mão de obra trabalhadora e movimentos sociais e filantrópicos, assim como obrigações legislativas fizeram com que a jornada de trabalho infantil fosse paulatinamente diminuída e os diversos tipos de ensino fossem instaurados, de acordo com o contexto socioeconômico em questão. A seguir, a tentativa de traçar um perfil literário histórico e social que demonstre as diversas representações da infância da classe trabalhadora na Inglaterra e no Brasil ou a ausência delas --, procedemos à análise de obras literárias representativas da condição da criança que fosse filha de trabalhadores ou ela mesma trabalhadora. Assim, no Capítulo II, iniciamos nossa exploração através da análise de Kim, de Rudyard Kipling, e O Jardim Secreto, de Frances Hodgson Burnett, bem como de Os meninos e o trem de ferro, de Edith Nesbit, para discutirmos representações de classe e infância entre as personagens, bem como sua relação com o espaço habitado e a relação dialética entre base e superestrutura existentes tanto na literatura relativa à colônia inglesa quanto ao território inglês, e então partimos para a análise de Saudade, de Tales de Andrade, como obra exponencial do projeto político-pedagógico de uma República ainda em construção e carente da formação de uma identidade nacional, e colocamos em evidência as relações entre o protagonista e as demais personagens e o espaço do campo e da cidade, como forma de ressaltar a visão utópica e idílica da comunhão da criança com a natureza como base formadora ideal de uma civilização. No capítulo III, avançamos na história para abordarmos Ballet Shoes, de Noel Streatfeild, primeiro livro de uma série das irmãs Fossil, adotadas por um arqueólogo na Londres dos anos 1930 e que, diante do desaparecimento deste, se vêem forçadas a trabalhar para garantir a subsistência. Neste contexto, exploramos questões de cunho social e histórico e discutimos representação de classe, infância e trabalho, numa tentativa de estabelecermos um ponto de diálogo com o conto Negrinha, de Monteiro Lobato, e aí retomarmos, no contexto nacional de uma república herdeira de uma tradição escravocrata, a relação entre família, trabalho e infância na existência da protagonista. Ainda na discussão da relação de infância, classe e trabalho, o Capítulo IV apresenta uma análise de A fantástica fábrica de chocolate, de Roald Dahl, e Açúcar amargo, de Luiz Puntel, para contrapor as visões do modo como a criança da classe trabalhadora volta a ter sua infância cada vez menos idealizada e mais inserida na realidade adulta do trabalho, da desestrutura familiar, da falta de recursos materiais e da necessidade de garantir sua subsistência. O Capítulo V apresenta não obras emblemáticas ou definitivas sobre o tema, mas novas possibilidades de leitura social inglesa e brasileira da infância da classe trabalhadora e do crescimento de jovens em tais contextos, e a forma como a descoberta de cada um se dá em tais ambientes. Para tanto, apresentamos uma análise de Reviravolta, de Damian Kelleher, e Jardim do céu, de Edison Rodrigues Filho. Com este caminho percorrido, compreendemos que houve, de fato, um processo de construção de uma infância da classe trabalhadora, que ora foi maquiado pelo discurso rousseauniano do bom selvagem e da inocência, ora foi calado em detrimento da expansão de uma literatura infantil e juvenil mais centrada na figura da criança sacralizada, nos termos de Viviana Zelizer (1985), para então voltar a figurar, a partir principalmente dos anos 1980, não como representação de uma classe, mas como ser constituinte de uma sociedade multifacetada que já não comporta, há muito, mascaramentos sociais ou políticos em favor da propaganda de um ideal inexistente / The present study aims to investigate the construction and deconstruction of the representations of working-class childhood in English and Brazilian children\'s and juvenile literature. We depart from the presentation and discussion, in Chapter I, of the conceptual bases of the investigation, and of the cultural, economic, political and ideological spheres that led to the emergence of the concept of childhood in the working class context during the Industrial Revolution. In this Chapter we also discuss how the interests involved in the training of working class manpower, in social and philanthropic movements and in legislative responsibilities that gradually imposed the reduction of childrens working hours imposed the implementation of several forms of school education according to the socioeconomic context involved. The following step is a tentative historical literary and social survey pointing out the various representations of working-class childhood in England and Brazil - or their absence thereof; we, then, proceed to the analysis of literary works representative of the condition of the children who were either born to working class families or were themselves workers. Our exploration begins, in Chapter II, with the analyses of Kim, by Rudyard Kipling, of The Secret Garden, by Frances Hodgson Burnett, and of The Railway Children, by Edith Nesbit, aiming to discuss the representations of class and childhood among the characters, their relationship with the living space and the dialectical relationship between base and superstructure both in the context of the English colonial literature and of the English mainstream literature, and then we proceed to the analysis of Saudade, by Tales de Andrade, an exponent of the political-pedagogical project of a Republic still under construction and lacking the formation of a national identity; we intend to highlight the relationship between the protagonist and the other characters and between the space of the countryside and of the city as a way of emphasizing the utopian and idyllic vision of Child communion with nature as forming the basis of an ideal civilization. In Chapter III, we apply the historical approach to the analysis of Ballet Shoes, by Noel Streatfeild, the first book of a series about the Fossil sisters, adopted by an archaeologist in London in 1930 and, as a result of his disappearance, forced to work to ensure livelihood. In this context, we discuss issues of a social nature and history and of class representation and child labor, in an attempt to establish a parallel with the short story Negrinha, by Lobato. Then, in the national context of a republic heir to a slave tradition, we examine the relationship between family, work and childhood in the protagonists life. Still in the realm of the discussion of the relationship of childhood, class and labor, Chapter IV presents an analysis of Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, by Roald Dahl, and of Açúcar amargo, by Luiz Puntel, thus showing how the working class children have their childhood less and less idealized and more and more embedded in the adult reality of work, family dysfunction, lack of material resources and need to secure their livelihoods. Rather than canonical or definitive works on the subject, Chapter V discusses new possibilities for English and Brazilian social readings of working-class childhood, for the growth of young people in such contexts, and for the discovery of how each one of them develops in such environments. For this purpose, we present an analysis of Life, Interrupted, by Damian Kelleher, and of Jardim do céu, by Edison Rodrigues Filho. Having thus completed this analytical and investigative trajectory, we conclude that the construction of a working-class childhood was sometimes disguised by Rousseau\'s noble savage and innocence discourse, and sometimes silenced in detriment of the expansion of a child and youth literature more focused in the sacralized figure of the child, as discussed by Viviana Zelizer (1985). The construction of a working class childhood re-appears mostly from the 1980s on, not exactly as a representation of a class, but as a component of a multifaceted society that no longer admits socially or politically concealing propaganda in favor of non-existent ideals

Este estudo contribui para a compreensão da formação da fração industrial da burguesia de São Paulo. Procuramos examinar a atuação da patronal da indústria a partir dos conflitos e negociações ocorridos desde este acontecimento, buscando apreender a experiência de coesão e organização do empresariado industrial de São Paulo. Nossa hipótese principal é de que, tal como o operariado, a patronal industrial também passou a se organizar e se mobilizar de forma mais consciente e programática. O que se pode inferir na análise de sua atuação nas greves gerais de 1919 e 1920. Em ambas as greves, posteriores a 1917, notamos uma atuação coesa no processo de negociação, com destaque para a forma organizacional das entidades patronais, tais como o Centro Industrial de Fiação e Tecelagem de São Paulo e a Associação Paulista das Indústrias Mecânicas e Metalúrgicas. / This study contributes to the compreehension of the establishing of the industrial fraction of the bourgeosie of Sao Paulo. We seek to examine the Sao Paulo industry employers actions from conflicts and negotiations that have occured since this event, trying to understand their experience of organization and cohesiveness. Our main hypothesis is that, as well as the working class, the industrial employers also began to organize and mobilize themselves in a more consciously and programmatically way. What can be inferred from the analysis of their action in the general strikes of 1919 and 1920. In both strikes, subsequent to 1917, we observed a cohesive representation in the negotiation process, highlighting the organizational form of the employers, such as the Spinning and Weaving Industrial Center of Sao Paulo and the Metallurgical and Mechanical Industry Association of Sao Paulo.

Pretendemos neste trabalho reconstruir a obra de Max Horkheimer e suas considerações sobre o destino da classe operária no século XX. Para isso, escolhemos o período entre 1930 e 1945. Nosso objetivo é mostrar como as diversas transformações sociais e históricas em que o proletariado esteve em meio foram vistas com cuidado por Horkheimer. O que mais chama atenção no período analisado é a derrota do movimento operário organizado e a ascensão dos movimentos fascistas em grande parte da Europa. O marxismo da época teve de repensar sua teoria para dar conta desses acontecimentos. Tendo em vista esse panorama, Horkheimer trouxe importantes contribuições para a renovação do marxismo e da teoria social, ao retrabalhar temas como consciência de classe, ideologia, reificação e domínio de classe. / In this dissertation, we intend reconstruct the work of Max Horkheimer and his considerations about the working class destiny in 20th century. For that we have chosen the period between 1930 and 1945 Our goal is to show how the different social and historical changes, in which the proletariat had been amidst, had been viewed carefully by Horkheimer. What calls attention in this period is the working class organized movements defeat and the fascist movements rise in Europe. The Marxism of the time had to rethink its theory to understand this occurrence. In this context, Horkheimer brought important contributions to the renovation of Marxism and social theory with his reflections about class consciousness, ideology, reification and class dominance.

Segundo o cientista político André Singer (2012) o ano da reeleição de Lula da Silva como presidente do Brasil teria marcado o surgimento de um novo fenômeno na política brasileira, o lulismo. Lula teria vencido o pleito, em grande medida, devido aos votos de pessoas de baixíssima renda, as quais o autor passou a agrupar sob a categoria de suproletariado. O subproletariado, que desde a redemocratização em 1985, sempre teria votado, em sua maioria, em candidatos à direita de Lula, passou a sustentar eleitoralmente o lulismo, uma vez que o mesmo padrão de votação se repetiu na vitória de Dilma Rousseff, sucessora de Lula na presidência. Segundo Singer, tal padrão eleitoral também teria uma sustentação ideológica, uma vez que a ideologia do subproletariado, que combinaria elementos de esquerda, mudança social, e direita, manutenção da ordem social e econômica, seria encampada pelo projeto lulista. Porém, tendo em vista a ascensão social de segmentos de baixíssima renda que ocorreu a partir de 2004, ainda no primeiro governo Lula, os quais passaram a ser compreendidos como nova classe média (Neri, 2008; Lamounier; Souza, 2010), nova classe trabalhadora (Souza, 2010) ou ainda como classes trabalhadoras em ascensão (Pochmann, 2012), o que seria possível dizer a respeito da adesão eleitoral e ideológica destes setores ao projeto lulista, uma vez que, teoricamente, teriam deixado de ser subproletários? Se estas pessoas apoiassem Lula, isso reverteria em votos a outros candidatos do PT? Ou essas pessoas, por terem ascendido socialmente, votariam nos candidatos de oposição ao governo como o faz a maior parte da classe média tradicional? Para tentar responder estas e outras perguntas, durante dois anos realizei uma etnografia na Brasilândia, um bairro de periferia da cidade de São Paulo localizado na Zona Noroeste, durante a qual fiz entrevistas em profundidade com dezessete pessoas que haviam ascendido socialmente durante os governos Lula. As entrevistas foram feitas em 2011, um ano não-eleitoral, e em 2012, ano de eleições municipais em que Fernando Haddad, candidato do PT apoiado por Lula, saiu vitorioso com expressiva votação dos moradores mais pobres da cidade. / According to the political scientist André Singer (2012) the re-election of Lula da Silva as president of Brazil in 2006 marked the emergence of a new phenomenon in Brazilian politics called \"Lulismo\". Lula won the re-election largely due to the votes of very low income voters, which were grouped by Singer under the category of \"sub-proletariat\". The sub-proletariat, since the redemocratization in 1985, have always voted, in its majority, for right-wing politicians, but, from 2006 on, it became lulista and voted for Dilma Rousseff, Lula\'s successor in the presidency. According to Singer, this new voting pattern was linked to an ideological adherence of the subproletariat to Lulismo\'s program, since the subproletariat\'s ideology, which combines leftist elements, regarding social change, and rightist ones, that have to do with the maintenance of the social and economic order, was the same adopted under the Lula Era. From 2004 on, Brazil saw the emergence of what was called as a new middle class\" (Neri , 2008; Lamounier; Souza, 2010), or a \"new working class\" (Souza , 2010), or even as working class on the rise (Pochmann , 2012), meaning that a significant part of the sub-proletariat was no longer so poor and started to earn better wages and to have access to a new consumption pattern. Regarding this phenomenon, what could be said about the electoral and ideological adherence to Lulismo by this new social group, since, theoretically, they would no longer be sub-proletarians? Would this people still support Lula? If they do, would this support revert in votes to other candidates from the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT)? Or would they vote for candidates from the opposition like the most of the traditional middle class since they would be socially more close to it? To try to answer these and other questions I conducted a two-year political ethnography in a neighborhood called Brasilândia, located in the outskirts of São Paulo, during which I did in-depth interviews with seventeen people who had risen socially during Lula\'s government. The interviews were conducted in 2011, a non-electoral year, and in 2012, when were held the municipal elections in São Paulo witch were won by Fernando Haddad, PT\'s candidate backed by Lula, with a significant electoral support of the city\'s poorest residents.