In a world of presumed nation-states, nation has been, and still is, an intrinsic part of political legitimization and identity formation. Thus, it is clear that the understanding of nationality and people's relationship too it is of great importance for our understanding of how a stable society, partly built on nationality, can prevail in a world of migration consisting of individuals with diverging moral, religious and cultural conceptions. This thesis examines national sentiments in a cross-country comparative perspective. It consists of an introductory chapter and five articles. The first objective is to study the relationship between policy regimes and supposedly related national sentiments. The question is whether there are differences in national sentiments that can be derived from differences in policy regimes or whether there are more universal features to be found. In examining this we have the possibility to further understand what factors that help to create and sustain national sentiments. The second objective is to study the relation between different national sentiments and other complex attitudes such as xenophobia and protectionism. This includes the study of national identities as well as of nationalism. The following conclusions are drawn. First, it appears that we need to reconsider the almost taken for granted assumption of a correspondence between regime types prevalent in a certain society and people's sentiments towards such a society. Second, there exist substantial cross­country similarities in the effect that different national sentiments have. It is shown that people who have more civic forms of national sentiments are clearly less inclined to hold derogatory preconceptions about people perceived as not belonging to the group, compared the ideas held by those who have more ethnic national sentiments. Moreover, the findings also supply empirical evidence supporting the notion that a clear-cut positive nationalism can never exist. All in all, it is shown that multicultural ideas are something worth striving for on an individual level. Moreover, the results seem to indicate that a liberal form of multiculturalism is preferable to a more communitarian version, which is explored and supported in the normative exposé of the two forms of multiculturalism. / digitalisering@umu

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The actual research focuses on foreign migrants dwelling in the Point area of Durban. This work is aiming at determining whether migration policies negatively impact on foreigners in South Africa; assessing the positive contribution made by foreigners on both the formal and the informal economy of South Africa; and recommending progressive policy and corrective measures of resolving foreign influx in South Africa. The qualitative approach adopted in this study facilitates the examination of the respondents' experiences as migrants in the Point Area. The findings of this study show that fear of foreigners has reached a new level in South Africa and with the transition to democracy; South Africa has become a destination for a number of documented and undocumented immigrants and migrants who, looking for a better life, have found instead, a country in which xenophobia is rife. As a democratic country, South Africa finds its self facing a dilemma: on one hand it promotes democracy, human rights and African integration, on the other; it faces an increase in xenophobia. Within this context, this study evaluates the extent to which the ANC government's im/migration policy and the implementation thereof contribute to xenophobia. Migration systems theory is used to develop a theoretical framework for the analysis. This study also discusses the context of immigration in South Africa on three angles; the international, the regional and the national angle. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

What happens when employees within the police-force make mistakes in their line of duty? This essay set out to investigate the relationship between labour law sanctions and the criminal law punishments for wrongful acts for government employees. This relationship is also set in the perspective of how acts or statements of xenophobia are handled within the Swedish police-force. Further, the essay aims to examine the principle of ne bis in idem in relation to labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for wrongful acts, and if these two should be considered in line with this principle. Regarding the relationship between labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for government employees, the determination for which system to use in any given situation is not fully stipulated. One key aspect is whether the act is carried out in exercise of public authority. By examining cases regarding xenophobia within the Swedish police-force one conclusion that the author has come to is that xenophobia more often is considered an insult (regulated in BrB 5:3) rather than wrongful acts in the line of duty. However, acts or statements of xenophobia are considered wrong and far away from the expected behavior of members of the Swedish police-force. By making an analogy with Swedish tax law an argument can be made that the relationship between labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for wrongful acts is worth examining, and might not fully be in line with the principle of ne bis in idem.

Although gender inequality is a major element of poverty, women the world over have showed their heroism in the role of both economy generators and family supporters’ by engaging in informal trade. This became most remarkable in South Africa where refugees in general and women in particular are living without either government or UNHCR supports. The following study attempts to explore business leadership qualities of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) refugee women living in the city of Durban. The study is the result of challenges that Congolese women informal traders are facing (family responsibilities, identity documents...) since their arrival in South Africa which hinders the development of their businesses. Additionally, this study identified a number of successful strategies for developing businesses and reducing poverty. This research used a qualitative method during data collection. In turn, both explanatory and descriptive theories were used. Congolese refugee women informal traders were the sample taken and were selected from the Congolese community living in the city of Durban. In order to answer the research questions, this study used in-depth interviews and questionnaires where ten Congolese refugee women informal traders between the age of 24 and 41 years were involved. Selecting respondents by the abovementioned ages in this research was helpful for exploring socio-economic challenges of the most categories of the neediest refugee women: widows, single women and mothers of 5 or more children, and so forth. These categories provided relevant information for being mothers and their daily socio-economic challenges in the city of Durban. In the line with findings, respondents on the questions related to business development mentioned the number of factors as hindrance to development of their businesses. Thus, they had no access to business training organized by government and NGOs, poor access to finance, lack of UNCHR support, and family responsibilities especially their refugee status. The study reveals the needs of both UNHCR and government’s support in terms of sponsoring refugees’ projects (including business training) and appropriate identity documents from the department of Home Affairs. UNHCR assistance together with local NGOs and appropriate identity documents are identified to be important factors of respondents’ business development strategies. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2010.

Racism is a serious barrier to achieving employment equity in Canada. The intersectional nature of oppression creates a situation where, based on various characteristics including gender, place of birth, and ethnic group membership, individuals experience employment related racism differently from one another. This intersectionality indicates that policies that may protect one marginalized group may not protect all groups equally. Through an examination of current employment equity research and reports, an overview of employment equity and human rights legislation in Canada, and an analysis of data collected in three interviews with Black men living in Victoria, British Columbia, a series of recommendations are made for employers, allies, and policy changes. This research illuminates the inequity of employment experiences in Canada, and provides suggestions for next steps forward from members of a population currently underserved by existing employment equity measures. / Graduate / 0733 / 0631 / 0630 / jmetz@uvic.ca

Focusing on a lived and practiced tolerance, this thesis sets out to explore questions concerning education for tolerance, and, specifically, how teachers and educators can prepare students to become tolerating subjects in their everyday encounters with others. Taking its point of departure in real and fictional classroom situations, the overall purpose of the study is to explore the ethical and transformative potential inherent in education for tolerance. The theoretical frame of the study is deconstruction and the philosophical writings of JacquesDerrida. The purpose of the thesis is accomplished in three movements. The first aims to show why teachers and educators need to redirect their attention in the classroom if the ethical and transformative potential that lies in education for tolerance is to be taken seriously. Instead of focusing on the tolerated and “deviating” other, it proposes that the tolerating subject should be the center of attention. The second movement aims to prepare the ground for a deconstructive reading by mapping different contemporary discourses of tolerance. Three distinct but interrelated dilemmas of tolerance are identified: the dilemma of welcoming, the dilemma of drawing boundaries, and the dilemma of bearing or enduring the otherness of the other. The third movement aims to show how a deconstructive reading of the dilemmas of tolerance can help teachers and educators to perceive and relate otherwise to the tolerating subject in education. For this, I turn to Derrida’s deconstructions of three concepts that are vital for our understanding of tolerance: hospitality, justice and mourning. The final section of the thesis discusses some educational implications deriving from the study. It is argued that if we look at the tolerating subject through the experience of its deconstruction, we also come to see education for tolerance otherwise. What this altered perspective can mean for education is articulated within the framework of what is calleda pedagogy of tolerance. / <p>Kommer ev. att publiceras på förlag.</p>

The xenophobic attitudes in Europe are stronger than even. Never before have the member states had as many right-wing parties in action. The aim with this report is therefore to consider whether the Schengen cooperation has had an influence on the development of xenophobia in the member states of EU. The Schengen cooperation became a part of the European Union in 1997, with the aim to abolish the internal border controls for citizens and strengthen the external boarders towards non-members. The intention is furthermore to investigate whether the distance to Schengen ́s external boarder has an impact on the xenophobic attitudes. Three countries are compared: Italy, Netherlands and the United Kingdom. The comparison is based on three indicators: immigration, right-wing parties and the economic situation. Italy is the most xenophobic country like the hypothesis of the report did foresee. Italy and Netherlands are both members of the cooperation and more xenophobic than the United Kingdom. United Kingdom is on the other hand not a member of the cooperation. Consequently are member states of the Schengen cooperation more xenophobic than others.

The study aims to define xenophobia, which is attached such meanings as &lsquo / hostility against foreign people&rsquo / or &lsquo / fear of alien people&rsquo / , through the main concepts of Lacanian Psychoanalysis. The &lsquo / fear of/hostility against foreign people&rsquo / is treated, in this study, by references to the subject-object relation formulated in Psychoanalysis. The study aims to give an original account of the spiral of subject-object through such concepts as &lsquo / polarization&rsquo / , &lsquo / annexation&rsquo / , and &lsquo / ergonomy&rsquo / . Under the light of this account, an attempt follows to recast the term xenophobia. The analysis focuses on three main historical lines, to check the account of the term set down in the study, as well as to fortify and clarify its limits: Capitalism, industrialization and nationalism. As a conclusion, the study maintains that both xenos (stranger) and fear dwell within the subjective field. Accordingly, the study concludes that xenophobia originates not from the &lsquo / primary qualities&rsquo / of the object of fear/hatred (xenophile), but from the deepest ranges of the subjectivity of fear/hatred (xenophobe). Hence, it is asserted that xenophobia is a subjective delirium, rather than an objective form

The shifting of asymmetric power balances in South Africa e.g. the acceleration of apartheid disintegration in the 1980s that brought to power the first black majority government in 1994 precipitated an unprecedented rise of antiforeigner attitudes and practices. Since then, spurts of aggression and violence against foreign nationals have occurred regularly. The latest outbreak in May 2008, whose images shocked many people around the world with reminiscences of ethnic cleansing, was not an isolated abnormality but a characteristic phenomenon of post-apartheid figurational trends. While xenophobia is a worldwide phenomenon, South African antiforeigner attitudes have specific cultural and historical contingencies. While all non-citizens are generally viewed negatively, African foreign nationals are more likely than other foreigners to be victims of aggressive antiforeigner attitudes and practices. This dissertation explores as a sociological problem the construction and mobilization of the figure of Makwerekwere, that is, the African foreigner through established-outsider nationalistic discourse and practices in post-apartheid South Africa. The study is based on a number of methods of investigation carried out during ten months of fieldwork between October 2006 and August 2007: Focus-group and individualized interviews; participant observation; analysis of nationalistic antiforeigner narratives from media; analysis of data from other scholars, research organizations, and human rights organizations. Figurational sociology, particularly the theory of the established and the outsiders, is the informative analytical orientation of the study. The study is organized around three sets of analysis: (1) the construction and mobilization of the figure of Makwerekwere by citizens (state agents and civil society agents); (2) the construction and mobilization of the figure of Makwerekwere as it is understood and experienced by those who are arrogated this figure and its characteristics; (3) and the concomitant structural atmosphere of the life-worlds and social spaces populated by those who are assigned the figure of Makwerekwere. These figurational dynamics suggest that although apartheid has been largely dismantled, it has left its imprints on South Africas social habitus. Thus the conclusion of the study situates post-apartheid antiforeigner sentiments and practices, particularly the anti-African orientation of the ideology of Makwerekwere, in the shadows of apartheid.