This treatise explores the potential for destructive conflict between locals and foreign nationals in Summerstrand. In the context of this study, foreign nationals have been defined as people who are from other African countries. This specification was made because it is this particular group that has been victim to violent attacks in South Africa. Those attacks have taken place throughout the country, especially in 2008, in areas that are regarded as ‘townships’ in the South African context. This treatise could be regarded as an unusual product, as it does not explore the dynamics of a township; instead, the focus area is a ‘suburb’. The suburb in question is called ‘Summerstrand’ and it is located in Port Elizabeth. Before the research was conducted, it was assumed that due to the differing dynamics of a suburban area, where people would be wealthier and more educated, the potential of a violent conflict taking place between the two groups (locals and foreign nationals) would be lower. In this treatise, firstly, the topic will be explained more in detail together with an overview of the background to the topic. The background will be discussed in further detail as literature relevant to the field of study will be reviewed and presented in Chapters 2 and 3. The ensuing chapters will elaborate upon how the research has been conducted, after which the findings of the study will be presented to the reader. The last chapter of the treatise offers an analysis of the findings of the study, draws conclusions from the study and offers recommendations in light of the findings of the study.

Post-apartheid South Africa has been marked by a wave of social unrest; from service delivery protests to xenophobic violence targeted towards foreign nationals. Immigrants from across the African soil are victims of this barbaric behavior (xenophobia). A derogatory name such as “makwerekwere” is given to foreign nationals to make them feel inferior and less human. In 2008 these attacks worsened almost in every black township throughout the country. The victims are mostly Somalis and Zimbabweans shop or spaza owners. There are quite a number of explanations that prompted these attacks and they include the following; competition for scarce resources, lack of economic and business opportunities. Foreigners are easily employable because they accept cheap labour, thus making it hard for South Africans to find jobs. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to explore economic discontent against foreign nationals into xenophobic attacks. This study highlights the relationship that co-exists between economic discontent and xenophobic attacks in Port Elizabeth, Walmer Township and the research methods that were used and how these methods were used in the study.

Thesis (M. A. (Criminology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / The aim of the present study was to explore Giyani residents‟ perceptions about xenophobic violence committed by South African citizens. The exploratory design, which is a qualitative paradigm was used to explore residents‟ perceptions about xenophobic violence in Giyani. Purposive sampling, aligned to non-probability sampling procedure was used to select participants. A sample of twenty-two (22) participants between the ages of eighteen (18) and forty-five (45) years were selected from the residents of Giyani Section A. Semi-structured interviews were used to gather data from the participants. Thematic Content Analysis (TCA) method was used to analyse the data. The following themes emerged from the study: understanding of xenophobic violence, attitudes of South African citizens towards immigrants, time at which xenophobic violence took place, factors that lead to xenophobic violence, impact of xenophobic violence and measures to curb xenophobic violence. According to the findings of the study, Giyani residents have different attitudes towards immigrants. Most of them seemed to be more tolerant towards foreign nationals. The study findings confirmed that competition over scarce resources; high crime rates and the influence of the media are major factors that lead to xenophobic attacks. Xenophobic violence has been said to have negative impacts on immigrants as well as the host country. During xenophobic attacks most immigrants are reported to lose their lives. The economic growth also gets affected because potential investors and tourists who bring money to the country return to their countries of their origin. KEYWORDS: Immigrants, Perception, Violence, Xenophobia, Xenophobic attack

A shortcoming in the literature is the lack of information and research into how refugee children from Africa experience life in South Africa and what their degree of exposure to xenophobia is, from South Africans. This motivated the researcher to investigate the extent of xenophobia towards refugee children living in Shelters in Cape Town. A survey of refugee children was done by means of a questionnaire that assessed the forms of xenophobia and who it was that discriminated against refugee children because of their foreignness. The results of the study showed that refugee children do experience xenophobia, in various forms from different sectors of South African society. Although some of it is violent in nature, it is mostly prejudice and xenophobic comments that the children are exposed to. This research provided a baseline for more extensive research into this phenomenon. / Social Work / M.A. Diac.(Play Therapy)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to understand the causes and nature of xenophobia in South Africa. It investigates this through the case of De Doorns, where in November 2009 3000 Zimbabweans were chased out of their homes, which were subsequently looted and destroyed. This case was chosen because it is an example of a xenophobic incident that went beyond xenophobic attitudes to manifest in violent behaviour towards African migrants. The study was guided though three questions. (1) How can the violent xenophobic attacks in De Doorns be explained? (2) Do the explanations for xenophobia offer sufficient explanation for the causes and nature of xenophobia in De Doorns? (3) Are the causes for xenophobia still evident in De Doorns? To answer the first and third questions key informant interviews with relevant organisations were conducted with Agri Wes-Cape, the Hex River Valley Table Grape Association and People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). In addition, published work (reports and an article) has been analysed. To answer the second question, literature on the topic of xenophobia was reviewed and the findings compared to the answers found for the first question. The key findings in this study were, firstly, that the causes for xenophobia were twofold: there was a context and there were underlying causes; in addition there were specific triggers for the xenophobia. This twofold explanation is evident in Horowitz’s ethnic violence theory, where he takes into consideration both external contextual causes and immediate locality-bound causes. The context was the farming community of De Doorns, characterised by casual work, job insecurity and (often) poor living conditions. The underlying causes were found to be locals’ frustration with and perceptions of Zimbabweans; this led to the development of xenophobic attitudes. In addition, labour brokers were found to have worsened the situation by encouraging causal work and by skimming off workers’ payments. Government insufficiencies were also an underlying condition: there was lack in an early warning system and there were service delivery failures. These underlying conditions gave a breeding ground for the triggers of the violence to operate. These triggers were found to be of a local political character, and these highlighted the explanatory value of Misago’s micropolitics theory. A local councillor stirred up the xenophobia to gain popularity for re-election before the upcoming local government elections. From this it is found that with similar or worse underlying condition xenophobia could flourish, given the ‘right’ triggers. This is an important finding in light of the up coming local government elections in 2016. In terms of the nature of the xenophobia in South Africa, it is argued that this often goes beyond the expression of xenophobic attitudes, and takes the form of violent xenophobic behaviour which is usually targeted at black African migrants. Explanations for this violence have historical roots in the armed struggle and it illicits a response from government. Why black Africans? Their proximity and their vulnerability are put forward as explanations, though it is also recognized that current explanations are insufficient. / AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie se oogmerk is om die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika te verstaan. Dit word ondersoek deur die geval van De Doorns, waartydens November 2009 3000 Zimbabwiërs uit hul huise gejaag is wat geplunder en vernietig is. Hierdie geval is gekies omdat dit ‘n voorbeeld van ‘n xenofobiese geval is wat verder as die xenofobiese houdings gegaan het om in gewelddadige gedrag teenoor immigrante uit Afrika te manifesteer. Die studie is deur drie vrae gelei: (1) Hoe kan die gewelddadige xenofobiese aanvalle in De Doorns verduidelik word? (2) Bied die verduidelikings vir xenofobie genoegsame verduideliking vir die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in De Doorns? (3) Is die oorsake van xenofobie steeds sigbaar in De Doorns? Om die eerste en derde vrae te beantwoord is sleutel informante onderhoude met relevante organisasies gevoer naamlik Agri Wes-Kaap, Die Hexriviervallei Tafeldruif Vereniging en People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). Daarby is gepubliseerde werk (verslae en ‘n artikel) ook ontleed. Om die tweede vraag te beantwoord is literatuur oor die onderwerp van xenofobie hersien en die bevindinge vergelyk met die antwoorde op die eerste vraag. Die sleutel bevindings in hierdie studie was eerstens dat die oorsake vir xenofobie tweeledig was: daar was ‘n konteks en onderliggende oorsake; daar was ook bykomende snellers vir die xenofobie. Hierdie tweeledige verduideliking is duidelik in Horowitz se etniese geweldsteorie, waar hy beide eksterne kontekstuele oorsake en onmiddelike ligging-gebonde oorsake. Die konteks was die plaasgemeenskap van De Doorns wat gekenmerk is deur informele werk, werksonsekerheid, en (dikwels) swak lewensomstandighede. Hierdie onderliggende oorsake is bevind om die plaaslike inwoners se frustrasie met en siening van Zimbabwiërs te wees; dit het aanleiding gegee tot xenofobiese houdings. Daar is verder gevind dat arbeidsmakelaars die situasie vererger het deur die aanmoediging van informele werk en die afskeer van werkers se betalings. Regeringstekortkominge was ook ‘n onderliggende oorsaak: daar was ‘n gebrek aan ‘n vroeë waarskuwingstelsel terwyl diensverskaffing ook misluk het. Hierdie onderliggende toestande het ‘n broeiplek aan die snellers van die geweld gegee om te funksioneer. Daar is bevind dat die snellers ‘n plaaslike politieke karakter gehad het en beklemtoon die verklarende waarde van Misago se mikro-politieke teorie. ‘n Plaaslike raadslid het die xenofobie aangewakker om gewildheid te verwerf vir herverkiesing voor die toekomstige plaaslike verkiesings. Vanuit hierdie is daar bevind dat xenofobie met soortgelyke of erger onderliggende toestande kan floreer, met die ‘regte’ snellers. Dit is ‘n belangrike bevinding in die lig van die toekomstige plaaslike regeringsverkiesings in 2016. In terme van die aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word daar gearguenteer dat dit dikwels verder gaan as die uitdrukking van xenofobiese houdings en die vorm neem van gewelddadige xenofobiese gedrag wat dikwels op swart immigrante van Afrika gemik is. Verklarings vir hierdie geweld het geskiedkundige oorsake in die gewapende stryd en ontlok ‘n reaksie van die regering. Hoekom swart Afrikane? Hulle nabyheid en kwesbaarheid word aangebied as verklarings terwyl dit egter ook herken word dat huidige verklarings onvoldoende is.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In November 2009, xenophobic violence flared up in De-Doorns, a small rural town which lies in the Breede Valley Municipality of the Western Cape where table grape production is the main economic activity. The De-Doorns violence involved local South African residents as perpetrators and a significant number of migrant workers mostly Zimbabweans as victims. The central purpose of this thesis is to compare the explanations for xenophobic violence given by female victims with explanations drawn from the research community and the mass media covering the De-Doorns incident. The major research question is to find reasons for this De-Doorns violence given by female victims, by the research community and by the print media. The results point to the following motives for xenophobic violence: frustrations that translated into xenophobic violence were driven by labour matters. South Africans believed that Zimbabweans were accepting seasonal farm work from farmers at lower wages than those for locals. The violence was also perceived to have been initiated by labour brokers and by a local ANC councillor. The current investigation indicates that the potential for xenophobia-related violence still exists in South African townships even after the widespread outburst of xenophobic violence of 2008 since refugees and vulnerable migrants remain visible targets. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In November 2009 het xenofobiese geweld opgevlam in De Doorns, ‘n klein landelike dorp in die Breede Vallei munisipaliteit van die Wes Kaap waar die produksie van tafeldruiwe die belangrikste ekonomiese aktiwiteit is. Hierdie geweldadige insident het plaaslike Suid- Afrikaanse inwoners as aanvallers en buitelandse migrante – hoofsaaklik Zimbabweërs – as slagoffers betrek. Die hoofdoel van die tesis is om verklarings vir dié geweld soos gegee deur vroulike slagoffers, deur die navorsingsgemeenskap en deur die koerant-media met mekaar te vergelyk. Die hoof vraag is om redes vir dié geweld in De Doorns soos gestel deur hierdie drie groeperings vas te stel. Die navorsings resultate identifiseer die volgende belangrike motiewe vir xenofobiese geweld: frustrasies omtrent arbeidsaangeleenthede wat aanleiding gegee het tot aggressie. Suid-Afrikaners het geglo dat Zimbabweërs seisoenale arbeidsgeleenthede van boere ontvang het teen laer lone as dié vir plaaslike inwoners. Tweedens, is die belangrike waarneming dat die geweld bevorder is deur arbeidsagente en deur 'n plaaslike ANC raadslid. Hierdie navorsing dui aan dat die potensiaal vir xenofobiesverwante geweld steeds bestaan in Suid-Afrikaanse woongebiede selfs na die reeks geweldadige insidente van 2008 as gevolg van die sigbaarheid van Afrika-migrante in hierdie gebiede.

Dissertation in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Migration and Displacement Studies, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand April 2016 / Responding to inadequacies and limitations of current causal explanations for xenophobic violence which has become a long standing feature in post-Apartheid South Africa, this study proposes a Governance Model of Xenophobic Violence that provides a comprehensive empirically-based and theoretically informed causal explanation. It is a multivariate empirical and integrated theoretical explanatory model that identifies and explains the roles of - and the complex interplays between - the key determinants of xenophobic violence consisting of underlying causes, proximate factors and triggers. The six key determinants the model identifies are: deprivation, xenophobic beliefs, collective discontent, political economy, mobilization and governance. This study argues that these determinants and their interconnections in a value-added process constitute the necessary and sufficient conditions for the occurrence of xenophobic violence. I call it the governance model because of the predominant role governance plays in the occurrence of xenophobic violence. With underlying causes (deprivation, xenophobia and collective discontent) already established, the study pays particular attention to the often missed proximate factors and triggers (the political economy of the violence, mobilization and governance). It is through the findings on these new factors that the study introduces new empirical and theoretical insights and innovations to the understanding of, not only, xenophobic violence in South Africa but also collective violence generally. First, this study argues that xenophobic violence in South Africa is just ‘politics by other means and by doing so brings to the fore the often missed centrality of micro-politics and localised political economy factors as key drivers of collective violence particularly communal violence. Second, the study argues that that the triggers of xenophobic violence and of collective violence generally lie in the mobilization processes and not in the grievances and ensuing discontent as argued by many theoretical approaches to collective violence. The study suggests a new theoretical model, the Mobilization of Discontent Model, which captures the increasingly recognised centrality of mobilization as a trigger of collective violence. Third, the study argues that governance is a key determinant of xenophobic and collective violence but not necessary in ways often assumed or prescribed by time-honoured and widely accepted theoretical predictions, particularly those contending that collective violence and other forms of contentious collective action tend to occur in societies where mechanisms of social control have lost their restraining power. By demonstrating that local governance deliberately facilitated the occurrence of xenophobic violence in areas where it occurred by providing what I term micro-political opportunity structures, the study calls into question the common understating of the relationship between governance and collective violence and reveals some aspects of this relationship that are either misunderstood or undetected until now. The Governance Model of Xenophobic Violence this study proposes is an innovation that clearly illustrates the poverty of most explanatory models of collective violence, which makes it an appropriate tool for integrating empirical and theoretical knowledge from different disciplines and for identifying gaps in existing scholarship. / MT2017

Research presented for the degree of Master of Management in the field of Public and Development Management to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management of the University of Witwatersrand. March 2016 / As an economic hub of Africa, South Africa has been experiencing an influx of economic and political migrants leading to the ethnic diversification of its population. This trend has incited a xenophobic atmosphere due to frustrations from locals, and has led to violent attacks towards foreign nationals. In particular, the Somali population has endured a high number of attacks as this group has successfully penetrated the informal business market in the townships of South Africa. Government has responded to these xenophobic attacks by proposing, amongst others, a Licensing of Businesses Bill in 2013. The bill has been criticised by the public as it is considered a hostile policy that aims to enforce regulations that restrict foreign nationals from operating businesses in the informal sector. This political dilemma has also led to questions as to how this policy response may have an effect on social cohesion in unequal societies where violence against Somalis is prevailing. The Klipspruit community was selected as it forms part of the City of Johannesburg that has a significant amount of Somali informal traders. The purpose of the study was to examine the root causes of violence against Somalis and the potential of the governments’ policy response to mitigate this phenomenon. In particular, the study also investigated the effect of the proposed Licensing of Businesses Bill on social cohesion development between Somalis and South Africans in Klipspruit. The qualitative research findings indicate that violence against Somalis was due to the economic situation, lack of regulation, competition and business miscommunication. The responses were generally driven by the perception that the government of South Africa introduced a bill that is fostered by nationalistic interests to the detriment of foreign nationals such as Somalis. It is therefore recommended that the government develops a way to enhance power sharing in decision-making processes, monitoring and correcting inequalities amongst culturally distinct groups, promoting cultural diversity and integration through education and lastly ensuring that the government acts in a constitutional manner. / GR2018

Drawing on seventeen group interviews with African foreign nationals living in Pietermaritzburg, this thesis explores how a minority group talks about their experiences of threat and prejudice within the South African context. The main aim of this thesis is to provide a contextualised study of foreigners’ understanding and experiences of threat, by studying how threat operates in a disempowered minority group’s narratives and exploring the social identity work or outcomes that are so achieved. Since threat may constitute an important dimension of the intergroup relations between foreigners and citizens, attention is paid to how threat is employed in foreigners’ narratives of intergroup relations with South African citizens. The exploration of these constructions is important as this signifies a move away from understanding and studying threat in a purely quantitative way. This has meant that the rhetorical, action-oriented function of threat in narrative has been emphasised over the reduction of threat to a psychological state amenable to quantitative measurement. The study of participants’ constructions reveal how threat is put together in narrative and demonstrates that constructions of threat may fulfil an important function in informing foreigners’ constructions about what they can do as a disempowered minority group living in South Africa. Hence, this thesis argues for an alternate, more indepth, way of understanding and studying intergroup relations, threat and the social identity of a minority group in a specific social context. The study uses terms from Stephan and Stephan’s (2000) Integrated Threat Theory to orient this piece of work in this field, but differs from traditional studies that have employed the theory as it focuses on discursive construction and the implications for social identity. The findings are also linked to the various options available to minorities, as highlighted by Tajfel and Turner (1979). The study allows for the voices of a marginalised group to be heard and also shows how threat can be discursively worked up in narrative and how the social positions and strategies adopted by foreigners both constrain and are discursively constrained by narrated constructions and theories of threat and intergroup life. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

A shortcoming in the literature is the lack of information and research into how refugee children from Africa experience life in South Africa and what their degree of exposure to xenophobia is, from South Africans. This motivated the researcher to investigate the extent of xenophobia towards refugee children living in Shelters in Cape Town. A survey of refugee children was done by means of a questionnaire that assessed the forms of xenophobia and who it was that discriminated against refugee children because of their foreignness. The results of the study showed that refugee children do experience xenophobia, in various forms from different sectors of South African society. Although some of it is violent in nature, it is mostly prejudice and xenophobic comments that the children are exposed to. This research provided a baseline for more extensive research into this phenomenon. / Social Work / M.A. Diac.(Play Therapy)