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作者 黃慧英. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院哲學部. / Manuscript (cops. 2 & 3 reprint copies) / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 239. / zuo zhe Huang Huiying. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan zhe xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 / Chapter 第二章 --- 朱子的形上學 / Chapter 第三章 --- 朱子對易（涉及天道與人道關係部分）的理解及的理解及注釋 / Chapter 第四章 --- 朱子對中庸的理解及注釋 / Chapter 第五章 --- 朱子如道德哲學之甲´ؤ´ؤ道德存有論 / Chapter 第六章 --- 朱子的道德哲學之乙´ؤ´ؤ道德實踐論 / Chapter 第七章 --- 朱子與孟子的重要分歧 / Chapter 第八章 --- 朱子的道德哲學與形上學的關係

手稿本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references: p. 518-541. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 自序 / Chapter 第一章 --- 朱熹生平事畧 / Chapter 第二章 --- 朱子有關詩經學之著作 / Chapter 第一節 --- 朱子早期之詩經學著作 / Chapter （一） --- 毛詩集解 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朱子後期之詩經學著作 / Chapter （一） --- 詩集傳 / Chapter （二） --- 詩序辨說 / Chapter （三） --- 詩風雅頌 / Chapter （四） --- 文公詩傳遺說 / Chapter 第三章 --- 朱子論孔子删詩及詩與樂 / Chapter 第一節 --- 論孔子删詩 / Chapter 第二節 --- 論詩與樂 / Chapter 第四章 --- 朱子主廢詩序之理由及其理論之建立 / Chapter 第一節 --- 朱子以前唐宋學者之反對詩序運動 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朱子疑序之因由 / Chapter 第三節 --- 朱子攻詆詩序之論據 / Chapter （一） --- 詩大小序 / Chapter （二） --- 詩序作者 / Chapter （三） --- 論詩序之紕繆 / Chapter 第四節 --- 朱子辨序之依據 / Chapter 第五節 --- 朱傳與毛詩序於詩經解題不同之比較 / Chapter 第五章 --- 朱子之淫詩說 / Chapter 第一節 --- 朱子以前指國風有淫詩者 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朱子所指為淫詩者實為三十篇而非二十四篇 / Chapter 第三節 --- 朱子以國風三十篇為淫詩之理由 / Chapter 第六章 --- 朱子解詩引用之各家詩說 / Chapter 第七章 --- 二南說 / Chapter 第八章 --- 釋六義 / Chapter 第一節 --- 釋風雅頌 / Chapter 第二節 --- 釋賦比興 / Chapter 第九章 --- 朱子論詩經之音韻及讀法 / Chapter 第一節 --- 論詩經之音韻 / Chapter 第二節 --- 論詩經之讀法 / Chapter 第十章 --- 朱子對詩經之分類及篇次章句之改移 / Chapter 第一節 --- 風雅頌之分類 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩經篇次之更移 / Chapter 第三節 --- 詩篇章句之增減 / Chapter 第十一章 --- 論詩經之篇名 / Chapter 第十二章 --- 朱子解詩之態度及方法 / Chapter 第一節 --- 解詩之態度 / Chapter 第二節 --- 解詩之方法 / Chapter 第十三章 --- 朱子詩經學之影響及其批評（上） / Chapter 第一節 --- 時人與門人之態度 / Chapter 第二節 --- 反對朱子之馬端臨 / Chapter 第三節 --- 元明兩代信從朱熹詩說之學者 / Chapter 第四節 --- 清代反對朱子詩說之學者 / Chapter 第十四章 --- 朱子詩經學之影響及其批評（下） / Chapter 第一節 --- 由「衛宏作詩序」討論 / Chapter 第二節 --- 由「朱子所判淫奔詩」討論 / 後語 / 引用及參考書目

In this dissertation I discuss Zhu Xi's inquiry into the Confucian way of self-cultivation, and his moral psychology that explains why and how one should practice such a way. / The Confucian notion of xin as a seed that grows on proper nourishment makes it necessary to practice "preserving and nourishing". According to Cheng Yi, this practice requires jing (seriousness/reverence). Zhu treats jing as a way of maintaining the mind as a whole. It can be practiced without objects, therefore must be practiced anywhere and anytime. It runs through all the other moral efforts. Without jing, the ideal xin falls apart; therefore jing is essential to the xin. Jing serves as a key to the identity of xin. Only through jing can all other moral efforts act on the xin. / While jing is to maintain the ideal xin itself, extending knowledge is the way to deal with things. Zhu Xi analyzes two elements of action, knowing and doing, and concludes that knowing should precede doing, just as we should know the way before we walk. He believes that the xin is endowed with myriads of li (principles/patterns) and motivational strength to act accordingly. One would be settled in doing what he should do, if one attains a genuine knowledge of the li. However, we should investigate things, because the xin tends to be covered by self-centered desires, lose sight of li, and become unaware of its non-ideal state. To see li in things is to perceive the good. The immediacy of value-perception proves that li is not attained from the external. / Why and how should we substantiate yi (thoughts) after we attain genuine knowledge? Such is the problem Zhu Xi had to puzzle out during the last years of his life. He solved the problem by reaffirming that genuine knowledge necessarily leads to action, but not to the purification of thoughts. The key to substantiate thoughts is to constantly aim at and concentrate on the target which the genuine knowledge has shown us. Extending knowledge is still considered as the pre-condition of substantiating yi, since the latter requires a clear representation of the good. / Zhu concludes his inquiry into the relationship between xin (heart/mind) and xing (nature) with the idea that heart/mind commands/comprises (tong) nature and qing (emotions). There are three connotations of "tong" and correspondingly three perspectives from which we understand xin, namely, as moral agency, as a functional unity, and as the totality of psychological states. The main idea is that xin is the moral agency, xing is xin's unity of functions, and qing is its particular functioning already realized. Unlike Cheng Yi, Zhu distinguishes xin and xing by emphasizing that xin is the moral agent to which good and evil are ultimately attributable. Xin is the master in its activated and calm states. This distinction between xin and the states in which it is situated enables him to describe different activities of xin and how they are integrated into the Confucian way of self-cultivation. To hold that xin is nothing but qi is to commit genetic fallacy and category mistake. / 鄭澤綿. / Adviser: Kwong-loi Shun. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-08(E), Section: A. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 290-302). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zheng Zemian.

This thesis aims at investigating the two main elements of "intellect" and "tradition" in Zhu Xi's methodology of self-cultivation. About "intellect", chapter 1 and 3 argue that the core idea of Zhu's methodology is "to discriminate between right and wrong according to reasons". Therefore, the most important in "probing principle" is not "getting information", but "reflecting and examining the reasons of all things we face". Chapter 2 argues that "to discriminate between right and wrong" should be the starting point of Confucian self-cultivation. The only question is how it can motivate the actual moral practice, to complete the actual transformation of one's personality. To answer this question, chapter 3 clarifies the meaning of "being totally convinced by a reason": a moral belief which is confirmed as reasonable by the intellect, will necessarily originate an intention to act accordingly, the moral motivation is inside this intention. However, we should not ignore the importance of "tradition" in self-cultivation. Chapter 4 explains that for Zhu Xi, "to discriminate between right and wrong" needs reliable standards; they cannot come from any personal assertion, but only from the studying of tradition. Personal intellect does not operate in a closed space, but the space in which it can enter into dialogue with the traditional wisdom. The interaction between intellect and tradition is the ideal learning way in Zhu Xi's mind. / 吳啓超. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-09, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 216-220). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Wu Qichao.

張家輝. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部, 1997. / 參考文獻: leaves 169-175. / Zhang Jiahui. / 論文提要 --- p.i / 圖表索引 --- p.iv / 引論 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章 --- 分析架構：當代詮釋學 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 詮釋多元化的呼喚 / Chapter 2. --- 「創造的詮釋學」理論 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中國儒學的「道統」觀念 --- p.21 / Chapter 1. --- 儒家道統說的涵義及其發展 / Chapter 2. --- 硏究道統觀證成的幾種模式 / Chapter 3. --- 朱熹的歷史地位 / Chapter 第三章 --- 「集大成」的朱熹 --- p.46 / Chapter 1. --- 整個文化大傳統即是道統 / Chapter 2. --- 朱熹對先秦及北宋諸儒的繼承 / Chapter 第四章 --- 錢穆的詮釋視界及其形成背景 --- p.72 / Chapter 1. --- 錢穆與無錫世界 / Chapter 2. --- 東西文化優劣比較與和合性 / Chapter 第五章 --- 「別子爲宗」的朱熹 --- p.87 / Chapter 1. --- 廣義的道統觀 / Chapter 2. --- 第一期：初訪朱子世界 / Chapter 3. --- 第二期：「道德形上學」之建立與朱子的不透 / Chapter 4. --- 第三期：牟氏朱子學的「轉出」 / Chapter 5. --- 第四期：貞定圓教模型 / Chapter 第六章 --- 牟宗三的詮釋視界及其形成背景 --- p.133 / Chapter 1. --- 熊十力與唐君毅對牟宗三的影響 / Chapter 2. --- 從心理角度透視牟宗三的「開出說」 / Chapter 3. --- 小結 / 總結 --- p.164 / 參考書目 --- p.169

This dissertation is aimed to set up a Confucian-style religious philosophy on the basis of Zhū Xī’s ideas. It seeks to articulate and highlight what has existed previously in some form in Zhū Xī’s Confucianism in a language which appears to be more precise for modern readers. Leibniz’s interpretations of Chinese philosophy and culture, as well as many resources in his own philosophy and Christian theology, serve to promote the realization of this aim. Zhū Xī’s religious philosophy in our reconstruction is a philosophy containing a theology of Heaven at its core, and this theology is certainly not a revealed one. These following issues are covered: 1) a theology of deities, 2) a metaphysics of the supreme being (Heaven), 3) an appropriate treatment of the ontology of lǐ2 and qì in relation to Heaven, and 4) a suitable interpretation of transcendence and immanence within human beings. The dissertation has three major parts. The first part is to argue that the worship of Heaven is special and superior to any reverence contained in the “polytheism” (which is finally philosophized by Zhū Xī as the reverence towards manifold pneuma) revealed in the Confucian sacrificial system. At the same time, it explores how the faith in various spirits or deities can be consistent with a belief in Heaven. The second part shows that it is fundamental to see Zhū Xī’s Heaven as a substance, so that one is able to attribute to it qualities and properties, even before there is any decision about whether or not to regard Heaven as a person. Among Heaven’s qualities, we choose its work (gōng) and virtuousness (dé) as its most prominent features to expound. In the light of Heaven’s virtuousness, a theodicy of Heaven is constructed. The third part is devoted to a discussion of the nature of human beings as well as of our fellows in the natural world, especially in relation to Heaven. Zhū Xī offers two perspectives for understanding humanness: one by studying the nature of xīn (“heart-mind”), and the other, the composite nature of hún-pò (or guǐ-shén, “souls”). We choose to plunge into the latter perspective, something comparable with Leibniz’s theories of soul. In the concluding chapter major features or facets of this reconstruction of Zhū Xī’s religious philosophy and its relevance to modern times are stated in a concise and relatively bold way.

The art of reading and its application to knowledge acquisition and innovation by elites have been largely neglected by historians of print culture and reading in late imperial China (1368-1911). Unlike most studies, which are concerned more with the implied reader and individual reading experience, the present study assumes that the actual reader and the social, cultural and epistemic dimensions of reading practices are the central issues of a history of reading in China. That is, while the art of reading was internalized by the individual, his learning and application of it had social, cultural and epistemic features. At a time when secular reading practices in Renaissance England were informed by Erasmian principles, Ming literati, regardless of their different philosophical stances, were being trained in an art of reading proposed by Zhu Xi (1130-1200), whose Neo-Confucian philosophy had been esteemed as orthodox since the fourteenth century. Transformations and challenges in interpreting and applying his art did not hinder its general reception among elite readers. Its common employment determined the practitioner’s epistemic frame and manner of knowledge innovation. My dissertation consists of five chapters bracketed with an introduction and conclusion. Chapter One discusses Zhu’s theory of reading and the implied pattern of acquiring and innovating knowledge, based on a careful reading of his writings and conversations. Chapter Two describes the transmission of Zhu’s theory from the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries. During its transmission, Zhu’s art was reedited, rephrased, and even readapted by both government agencies and individual authors with different intentions and agendas. Chapter Three focuses on the reception of Zhu’s theory of reading by 1500 and argues that the moral end of reading eventually triumphed over the intellectual one in early Ming Confucian philosophy. Chapter Four explores the affinity of Ming philosophers of mind with Zhu’s theory in their reading concepts and practices from 1500 to the mid-seventeenth century. Despite their attempts to separate themselves intellectually from the Song tradition, Ming philosophers of mind followed Zhu’s rules for reading in their intellectual practices. Chapter Five outlines the reading habits and knowledge landscape based on a statistical survey of extant Ming imprints. Despite some deviations, the Ming reading habits and knowledge framework largely accorded with Zhu’s theory and its Ming adaptations. The continuity of reading habits from Zhu’s time to the seventeenth century, I conclude, inspires us to rethink the Ming apostasy from the Song tradition. The particularity of scholarly knowledge acquisition and innovation in Ming-Qing China by the eighteenth century was not invented by Ming-Qing scholars but anticipated by Zhu through his theory of reading. With respect to late imperial China, the history of reading, together with the history of knowledge, is yet to be fruitfully explored. With this dissertation, I hope to be able to make a contribution to the understanding of the East Asian orthodox habit of reading as represented by Zhu’s admirers. By placing my investigation in the context of the history of knowledge, I also hope to contribute to the understanding of the relationship of reading to the way that knowledge evolved in traditional China. Intellectual historians tended to consider the Ming Confucian tradition as having broken off from the Cheng-Zhu tradition, but at least in reading habits and practices Ming elite readers perpetuated Zhu’s theory of reading and the knowledge framework it implied.

本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275