橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已成為某種或然性規律，不但是俄羅斯與中國兩國的兩難困境，更是彼此關係的潛在負面變數。 為此，本研究以理性主義初探當代黃禍何以復萌，繼而再以建構主義反向解構促使其復萌之俄中關係以及俄國內部中央與地方的互動，此雙重觀念結構之身份與利益的聯繫，以揭示黃禍恐懼的本質和深層原因，從而對其發展趨勢進行中長期預測，並由此對應推導命題：跨層次習得轉化，希冀藉此發展出超越時空範疇的一般性通則，而為觀念甚於物質再增添新的研究實例。 研究發現：黃禍論必須在國際面－俄中兩國間的身份認知得到協調，在國內面－俄國內部以及遠東區當地俄人和中國人之間也必須要趨近，黃禍疑懼才有可能消弭。然而，從黃禍的建構過程可知，俄中兩國的「世代友好，永不為敵」尚未真正到位，俄國內部促成黃禍的離心傾向也仍舊存在。各造屬性若未能調和，黃禍仍將持續地與其所依附存在的雙重結構交錯建構，而其成因亦可能經社會化代代相傳。但遠東區俄人在與中國人互動多年後，其若干特質及行為方面意外地逐漸與中國人趨同，此有可能補足俄國內部欠缺的自下而上建構作用。此外，世代交替亦為俄羅斯再起的希望，俄中兩國的差距若能弭平，黃禍自亦消弭於無形。

俄羅斯開發其遠東地區，旨在挹注其總體經濟發展，而開發其遠東地區，則需要引進大量中國勞力；至於引進中國勞力，則是俄中戰略協作夥伴關係雙邊合作機制的一環；然而，一旦中國勞力大量湧進俄羅斯屬遠東地區，勢必對俄羅斯的國家安全造成一定程度的威脅，此一地緣政治考量，無可避免對俄羅斯引進中國勞力的政策產生制約；在此矛盾因素考量之下，對於在遠東地區引進中國勞力的政策，產生正反兩面針鋒相對的爭論；因此，俄羅斯對遠東地區中國移民政策是上述經濟發展、勞動力問題、國際戰略與地緣政治等因素，透過克里姆林政治的互動形塑而成。 上述假設命題又可以引申出下列邏輯相關子命題: (一)俄羅斯為了挹注其總體的經濟發展，需要大量外來勞力來開發其遠東地區。 (二)俄羅斯引進大量中國勞力，乃是俄中戰略協作夥伴關係雙邊合作機制的一環。 (三)俄羅斯引進大量中國勞力，勢必對俄羅斯安全構成威脅。 (四)俄羅斯遠東地區的中國移民政策，乃是克里姆林政治互動的結果。 / The purpose of this study is aimed at exploring the driving forces behind Russia’s policies on Chinese immigration in its Far East in terms of geopolitics, international strategy and the Kremlin politics. It is hypothesized in this study that with the development of Russia’s Far East region, it will help the overall economic development, and, in order to development its Far East, it is necessary for Russian government to recruit a large number of Chinese labors; as for the introduction of Chinese labors, it constitutes a link of Sino-Russian partnership of strategic coordination. However, once Chinese labor forces enter into the Russian Far East, it would create a threat to Russian national security. Under this geo-political consideration, it inevitably constitutes constraints for Russia on the introduction of Chinese labor forces. With these kinds of contradictory considerations, therefore, the formulation of Russia’s policy on Chinese immigration in its Far East should be analyzed in terms of economic, population, international strategy and geopolitics factors through the Kremlin political interaction. The above assumption can also derive the following logically related propositions: (1) In order to inject the overall economic development, Russian government needs a large number of foreign labors to develop the Far East. (2) Importing large quantities of Chinese labors is an integrated link of Sino-Russian partnership of strategic coordination. (3) Introducing a large number of Chinese labor forces constitutes a threat to Russian security. (4) Russia’s policy on Chinese immigration in its Far East is formulated as a result of Kremlin political interaction in terms of economic, population, international strategy and geopolitics factors.

This thesis’ purpose is to demonstrate, via the examination of popular youth literature (primarily pulp magazines and comic books) from the 1920s through to the 1950s, that the stories found therein drew their definitions of heroism and villainy from an overarching, nativist fear of outsiders that had existed before the Great War, but intensified afterwards. These depictions were transferred to America’s “new” enemies following both the United States’ entry into the Second World War, as well as the early stages of the Cold War. This transference of nativist imagery left behind the ethnically-based origins of such depictions, showing that racism was not the sole and simple reason for such exaggerated visages. A process of change, in regards to America’s nativist sentiment, so virulent after the First World War, will be explained by way of the popular, inexpensive escapism of the time, the pulp magazines and comic books of the early to mid-twentieth century.

Eugenics movements developed early this century in more than 20 countries, including Australia. However, for many years the vast literature on eugenics focused almost exclusively on the history of eugenics in Britain and America. While some aspects of eugenics in Australia are now being documented, the history of this movement largely remained to be written. Australians experienced both fears and hopes at the time of Federation in 1901. Some feared that the white population was declining and degenerating but they also hoped to create a new utopian society which would outstrip the achievements, and avoid the poverty and industrial unrest, of Britain and America. Some responded to these mixed emotions by combining notions of efficiency and progress with eugenic ideas about maximising the growth of a white population and filling the "empty spaces". It was hoped that by taking these actions Australia would avoid "racial suicide" or Asian invasion and would improve national fitness, thus avoiding "racial decay" and starting to create a "paradise of physical perfection". This thesis considers the impact of eugenics in Australia by examining three related propositions: 1. that from the 1910s to the 1930s, eugenic ideas in Australia were readily accepted because of concerns about declining birth rate; 2. that, while mainly derivative, Australian eugenics had several distinctive Australian qualities; 3. that eugenics has a legacy in many disciplines, particularly family planning and public health. This examination of Australian eugenics is primarily from the perspective of the people, publications and organisations which contributed to this movement in the first half of this century. In addition to a consideration of their achievements, reference is also made to the influence which eugenic ideas had in such diverse fields as education, immigration, law, literature, politics, psychology and science.

Eugenics movements developed early this century in more than 20 countries, including Australia. However, for many years the vast literature on eugenics focused almost exclusively on the history of eugenics in Britain and America. While some aspects of eugenics in Australia are now being documented, the history of this movement largely remained to be written. Australians experienced both fears and hopes at the time of Federation in 1901. Some feared that the white population was declining and degenerating but they also hoped to create a new utopian society which would outstrip the achievements, and avoid the poverty and industrial unrest, of Britain and America. Some responded to these mixed emotions by combining notions of efficiency and progress with eugenic ideas about maximising the growth of a white population and filling the "empty spaces". It was hoped that by taking these actions Australia would avoid "racial suicide" or Asian invasion and would improve national fitness, thus avoiding "racial decay" and starting to create a "paradise of physical perfection". This thesis considers the impact of eugenics in Australia by examining three related propositions: 1. that from the 1910s to the 1930s, eugenic ideas in Australia were readily accepted because of concerns about declining birth rate; 2. that, while mainly derivative, Australian eugenics had several distinctive Australian qualities; 3. that eugenics has a legacy in many disciplines, particularly family planning and public health. This examination of Australian eugenics is primarily from the perspective of the people, publications and organisations which contributed to this movement in the first half of this century. In addition to a consideration of their achievements, reference is also made to the influence which eugenic ideas had in such diverse fields as education, immigration, law, literature, politics, psychology and science.

This thesis aims to understand Sinophobia in the context of post-racial, anti-racist and color-blind Sweden, specifically concerning news representations of China and racial caricatures of Chinese and other East-Asians through “Gook humor”. Sinophobia is examined through race humor and public engagement with satirical race representations using the controversial case of news satire of China produced by Swedish public television SVT in 2018. A reflexive thematic analysis is conducted to analyze the news satire as transcripts from a YouTube video, and public engagement as relevant YouTube comments in Swedish. The findings of the analysis are situated within a critical race theoretical framework based on the concept of liquid racism, color-blindness, Yellow Peril narratives and critical humor theories. The result shows that the news satire contains liquid race representations of Chinese as ironic yet exaggerated racial caricatures, while portraying China as a powerful yet threatening authoritarian state, alluding to Yellow Peril narratives. Mediated through humor, these representations implicitly promote liquid racism in public engagement, in which racist interpretations could exist in the context of white liberal anti-racism. This paper coins the term liquid Sinophobia to describe how covert racism has adapted to exist in post-racial and color- blind Sweden by primarily negating accusations of racism by Swedish-Chinese minorities. Explicit Sinophobia was also found in the public engagement rooted in cultural racism, nationalism and counter-PC culture. This thesis has major implication for Sinophobia research in Asian critical race studies in Sweden, being the first of its kind to focus on this topic at the nexus of news satire and public engagement. Further research is required to study liquid Sinophobia and anti-Asian racism based on the general and intersectional experiences of Swedish-Asian communities.

The paper is devoted to the analysis of intercultural interaction of Russia and Japan in the last third of the 20th century and in the beginning of the 20th century. A special attention is paid to formation and transformation of mutual images of Russia and Japan in national minds of the countries stated. The author indicates the function of political factors influenced the formation of images of both countries and its incidence on cultural interaction, shows the transformation of mutual images of Russia and Japan in the dynamics of historical development / Работа посвящена анализу межкультурного взаимодействия России и Японии в последней трети XIX – начале XX вв., особое внимание уделено вопросу формирования и трансформации взаимных образов России и Японии в сознании народов этих стран. Автор раскрывает роль политических факторов повлиявших на формирование имиджа обеих стран и степень их влияния на культурное взаимодействие, показывает трансформацию взаимных образов России и Японии в динамике исторического развития.